Androgyny is the combination of "masculine" and "feminine" characteristics, making them into an ambiguous form. Androgyny in terms of clothing style may be expressed without regard to biological sex, gender identity, gender expression, or sexual identity.

Androgynous-based visual aesthetics, as in the explanation above, are a merging of female and male stereotypical styles.

As a style aesthetic, it has existed for a very long time, as far back as the late Victorian period which saw the rise of Dandies (a group of extraordinarily well-dressed men) and women like George Sand who preferred to wear men’s clothing (much like Marlene Dietrich later famously would on film).

Women found it easier to be accepted wearing “male” clothing, particularly when Levi’s began putting out jeans specifically for women in the 50s. This instantly broadened the ideas of women wearing men’s clothing beyond the fringe early feminism it had originated in.

In the late 60s, Dandism for men had a resurgence, incorporating in it what had become (but in the Victorian era, were not) stereotypically “feminine” styles such as ruffles, lace, velvet, and vibrant colors. Meanwhile, pantsuits were slowly being incorporated into women’s work wear.

By the early 70s, Britain had a wildly rebellious insurgence of young men who, influenced by  neo-Dandism, went a step further to create Glam Rock. Men wore makeup and grew their hair long or teased it. They dressed in semi-dress-like (but still tailored to the male form) kimonos and tunics, a profusion of sequins and glitter, intricate bodysuits, items of jewelry (particularly bangles), and much more.

This aesthetic was almost completely dominated by both straight and gay men and very few women in the scene dressed this way (except the likes of Suzy Quatro). It wasn’t until the late 70s that women rediscovered androgyny again, both in Britain and around the world.

In America, a somewhat similar style was seen in 70s Disco, funk, and soul. Many of these typically male musicians adopted quasi-futuristic one-piece ensembles that glittered and shimmered as much as Glam Rock did. They weren’t known for wearing makeup, but did embrace jewelry and platform boots.

The American and British Punk and New Wave movements made it possible for women, regardless of whether straight or lesbian, to try more masculine clothing. Artists like Patti Smith, Joan Jett, and Siouxsie Sioux (in her earlier days) were some of the first women in these scenes to pioneer this.

By the 80s, women went a step further by cutting their hair short and decking themselves out in suits, with or without makeup (like Annie Lennox, Grace Jones, and Laurie Anderson). Early Post-Punk and Goth girls were much the same, adopting “masculine” items like leather jackets and short hair.

In Britain during this time, a scene developed out of the ashes of Glam Rock and inspired by David Bowie: New Romantic . Perhaps the only completely androgynous fashion scene, the adherents of this style were limitless in their expression regardless of their sexuality. Men could be more subtle and wear lipstick with vibrantly-colored suits (like Japan the Band and Duran Duran) or deck themselves out in more costume-esque, Rococopunk regalia (like Visage and Adam and the Ants).

Unlike in Glam Rock, women in the New Romantic and Synthpop scenes were seen to have the exact same freedom in their clothing as the men did. They could be subtle simply by cutting their hair into a spiky crop or by going all out and wearing a suit and tie.

American pop music also embraced this thanks to the work of Prince, who moved from wearing Speedos to purple glitter, lace, eyeliner, and platform boots. Even Michael Jackson began to be drawn into the lure of shimmer and ruffles. (This was likely the effect that the glamour of 70s Disco continued to have.)

The Deathrock and Goth scenes also showed a profusion of androgyny. Straight and gay men could (and in some clubs, still can) be seen in makeup, teased hair, fishnets, black beads, and even semi-deconstructed dresses (like Ollie Wisdom of Specimen or Rozz Williams of Christian Death). Women wore much the same kind of clothes and makeup, equally regardless of their sexuality.

Hair Metal was the last of the West’s truly androgynous scenes, which in itself was a visual hybrid of Metal and Glam Rock. The hair was typically long and heavily teased, smudged eyeliner was the main makeup, accessories such as bangles and layered necklaces was used, and these were contrasted with motorcycle leather and tight jeans.

As androgyny for men began to fade away in the West, it was adopted by Japan. Directly inspired by Deathrock, New Romantic, Hair Metal, and Synthpop’s stylistic freedom (as well as their homegrown Goth scene), they wore exaggerated, costume-esque clothing. This typically included ruffles, lace, beaded jackets, and a profusion of makeup with shockingly transformative effect.

Once again, this was a straight and gay men-dominated scene, and many women who came to Visual Kei soon gravitated towards Gothic Lolita (though to be fair, so did many of the men, such as Malice Mizer’s Mana).

J-Pop became a tamed version of this, influenced by the ever ambiguous Gakct’s leaving the Visual Kei scene. These men often dressed (and wore subtle makeup) to further resemble Shoujo manga’s softer take on “bishounen”, manga art of young men with effeminate faces and male bodies.

Much of modern bishounen art itself can be seen to have roots in New Romantic (thanks to the influence of Japan the Band and Duran Duran), Goth (artists like Bauhaus and Gene Loves Jezebel), and David Bowie himself, whether in his Glam Rock or Synthpop phases.

J-Pop’s influence spread to K-Pop, which openly adopted much of their clothing, hair styles, and (subtle) makeup. Khonmiman (or “flower boys”) became a revolutionary movement in South Korea that grew out of K-Pop’s influence and has given men in their country the freedom to wear makeup and androgynous (though not specifically traditionally “feminine”) clothing without censure.

Meanwhile, while in most of the West men are discouraged from androgyny (not realizing that it is very different from transvestism and drag), women in both the straight and gay communities have been free to dress in more traditionally “masculine” styles. This is not looked down upon and is in fact romanticized by the (equally harmful) stereotypes touting the superiority of Tomboys to so-called girly-girls.

It is also interesting to note that the most openly androgynous fashion movements have had very little to do with gender politics.

This was particularly seen in the early 80s, a rare time when both straight and gay individuals were able to express themselves without any necessary interest in social-political issues outside of their movement. New Romantics, Goths, and even the preceding Glam Rockers wore whatever they thought looked cool, regardless of societal norms or their own sexual preferences.

Androgynous people dress or style themselves to look neither typically male nor female. The goal of dressing androgynously (on purpose) is to have an ambiguous gender appearance - where people don't automatically assume that you're male or female because it is difficult to know. This being said, biological sex does play a part in dressing androgynously - AFAB people dress typically more traditionally masculine and AMAB people typically dress more traditionally feminine. To reiterate, the androgynous aesthetic is not a gender identity, rather it is a form of dress.

It’s a hybrid style of traditionally masculine and feminine clothing, makeup, and hair. The point is not to look like the opposite gender but to merge qualities of both in the style. It isn’t completely either, and has a history of being worn by straight people just as often as those in the gay community. (It’s also worn around the world by people of every race, culture, and creed.)

Historically, both men and women have indulged in wearing makeup, dying their hair, accents like ruffles and puffed sleeves, accessories like bracelets and necklaces, short and long hair cuts, tights/hose, pastels and the color pink, wearing suits, and wearing tunics, robes kimonos, or kilts. In truth, fashion and style has been notoriously fickle for centuries.

Regardless, it’s important to remember that not everything is flattering to everyone in terms of clothing. Tailoring and accentuating the natural lines of the body is usually what makes an androgynous style that is well-balanced between genders.

(It’s also important to note that being LGBTQ is not necessary to wear androgynous clothing, hair, or makeup. It’s a movement without bounds in gender or sexuality.)

Some 'androgynous fashion staples' would be things such asAristocrat (アリストクラット), often referred to as Gothic Aristocrat (ゴシック・アリストクラット), is a Japanese street fashion style inspired by the attire of the 19th-century European high class and aristocracy. It is a dark, sophisticated, and predominantly androgynous style that evolved from Goth fashion and emerged as a more mature counterpoint to the overtly feminine Lolita fashion.

While the aesthetic is widely promoted and codified by multiple fashion houses (e.g., Atelier Boz, Marble), it is most famously associated with the brand Moi-même-Moitié, which coined the term EGA (Elegant Gothic Aristocrat) to specifically describe their neutral-gendered line of clothing.

The Aristocrat aesthetic intentionally rejects the overtly cutesy motifs, such as bows, large prints, and heavy petticoats, associated with Lolita . Instead, it favors a sleek, dark, and historically structured silhouette.

The style is primarily defined by tailored items and long, flowing layers that emphasize androgyny and maturity:

Accessories reflect the historical and gothic influences, adding detail without sacrificing elegance:

Aristocrat functions as the generic term for the mature, androgynous gothic style, standing in contrast to the feminine Gothic Lolita.

EGA (Elegant Gothic Aristocrat) is the specific brand line created by Mana of Moi-même-Moitié to describe their neutral-gendered clothing, running parallel to their feminine EGL (Elegant Gothic Lolita) line. The aesthetic itself is embraced and replicated by many other Japanese independent brands.Bakala (often used interchangeably with Makinero ) is a Spanish youth subculture that emerged in the late 1980s and flourished throughout the 1990s. It refers to the primary demographic of the Ruta Destroy (or Ruta del Bakalao ), a massive nightlife phenomenon centered in Valencia that involved partying in macro-discotheques for 72 hours continuously.

The aesthetic is characterized by a "hard" appearance influenced by Gabber and Skinhead fashion, a devotion to high-BPM electronic music (Mákina and Hardcore), and a specific grooming style known as the " Cenicero " (Ashtray) cut.

While originally a cutting-edge avant-garde movement in the 80s, the subculture was later stigmatized by mass media due to its association with drug use (ecstasy/speed), fatal road accidents, and eventual assimilation into the " Cani " stereotype.

According to oral histories of the movement, the identity can be split into three evolutionary stages:

The origins of the Bakala subculture are inseparable from the social and cultural liberation that followed the death of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco in 1975. The subsequent transition to democracy unleashed a wave of creative energy known as the Movida Valenciana .

In the early 1980s, clubs along the CV-500 road began importing post-punk and industrial music, attracting an eclectic crowd initially known as "Bakalaeros." These early adopters were characterized by a sophisticated appreciation for EBM , Belgian New Beat , and Synth-pop (e.g., they listened to bands like Kraftwerk and Front 242), distinct from the harder "Makineros" that would define the 1990s.

By the early 1990s, the movement solidified into the "Ruta Destroy." A distinct clubbing circuit formed around venues like Spook Factory, Puzzle, and Barraca, where thousands of youths participated in a ritual of continuous partying from Friday to Monday morning. As the sound shifted toward harder, faster electronic genres, the demographic evolved into the "Makinero" or "Bakala" identity. This period, often termed the Golden Age, saw the subculture become a mass phenomenon, with youths driving from Madrid and Catalonia to participate in the communal, hedonistic atmosphere that prefigured modern rave culture.

By the mid-1990s, the movement faced a sharp decline driven by media sensationalism and internal fracturing. Intense public scrutiny focused on the prevalence of fatal road accidents involving exhausted drivers and the widespread use of stimulants, leading to aggressive police crackdowns and checkpoints.

Simultaneously, the subculture became politically polarized. While the early scene was largely apolitical, the later "Hardcore" phase saw a division between " Españolistas " (Spanish nativists), who were often associated with right-wing nationalism and urban centers, and " Catalanistas " (Catalan independentists), who leaned toward anti-fascist or independence movements in rural areas. This tension, combined with the commercialization of the music into generic " Cantaditas ," led to the closure of many iconic clubs by 1995 and the assimilation of the remaining aesthetic into Pokeros and the most infamously, the broader Cani subculture.

The Ruta Destroy remains a definitive cultural touchstone for the Spanish Generation X. Following the mass closures of the late 90s, the scene evolved into a nostalgia-driven industry known as the "Remember" movement. These events recreate the music and atmosphere of the golden age but operate under stricter regulations that have largely sanitized the scene of its previous associations with road violence and political extremism.

Contemporary accounts note that the modern revival has successfully dissociated itself from the neo-fascist elements that plagued the decline of the "Hardcoriano" period. By banning political symbols and enforcing tighter security, the "Remember" circuit has fostered a more apolitical environment focused purely on the music. This cultural rehabilitation was further solidified by the critically acclaimed 2022 television series La Ruta , which re-examined the era through a humanistic lens rather than the sensationalist narratives of the 1990s media.

The Bakala aesthetic was a functional uniform designed for endurance dancing, evolving from earlier New Romantic influences into a harder, militaristic look. The style prioritized a tight, "bad boy" silhouette that displayed physical fitness and group loyalty through specific brands.

The "Holy Trinity" of brands that defined the hierarchy of the subculture included Kill Off , famous for sweaters featuring a wizard logo appropriated from the Thunderdome hardcore festival; Rottweiler , considered the brand par excellence of the era; and Dj's Band . Other notable garments included the ubiquitous Alpha Industries MA-1 bomber jacket, often worn reversed to display the orange lining, and high-end "Pedro Gómez" puffer jackets, which served as major status symbols. As the scene politicized, brands like Scottish Clan became associated with specific nationalist factions.

Grooming was equally specific and aggressive. The definitive male hairstyle was the " Cenicero " (Ashtray) or " Uve " cut, consisting of shaved sides with a longer, flat, or spiked top, often featuring a distinct bang combed forward. Aggressive hair bleaching was common, with colors ranging from platinum blonde to "butane orange."

Women within the subculture typically favored extremely wide bell-bottom jeans ("pata de elefante") or straight-leg trousers, often paired with platform boots from the Art Company and tight tops from brands like Welcome 2 Paradise (W2P), which introduced manga-inspired illustrations to the aesthetic.

The Ruta Destroy developed a highly sophisticated visual identity that stood in stark contrast to the aggressive reputation of its attendees. Promoted through a prolific output of flyers and posters, the " Diseño Destroy " (Destroy Design) style was an avant-garde artistic movement in its own right.

Designers such as Edu Marín, Paco Bascuñán, and Quique Company established a visual language that drew heavily from industrial textures, experimental underground comics, and modernist principles like Bauhaus typography. These visuals were often high-contrast and utilized bold, striking imagery to capture the mechanical energy of the nightlife, a legacy recently celebrated in the 2022 "Ruta Gráfica" exhibition at the IVAM museum.

Anthropological accounts of the era distinguish between two rival dance styles that defined the subculture's regional identities. The Pont Aeri School, prominent in Catalonia, was an aggressive, high-energy style characterized by jumping, high knees, and "flying kicks" directed at the air, often involving crouching during the musical build-up to explode upward at the drop. In contrast, the Levantine School (or "Masiero"), associated with Valencia, was more grounded; it involved shuffling, small forward kicks, rhythmic swaying of the body, and distinctive hand movements performed near the head.

The musical evolution of the scene mirrored the shift from the " Moderno " to the "Makinero." The early phase was defined by guitar-based Post-Punk and EBM imported from countries like Great Britain, Germany, and Belgium, featuring acts like Front 242 and The Sisters of Mercy. By the early 1990s, this coalesced into the " Sonido de Valencia ," a fusion of industrial techno and New Beat .

The final and most defining phase was Mákina (or Bakalao ), a high-octane evolution of hardcore techno characterized by tempos exceeding 160 BPM and melodic synth lines. Key figures included Chimo Bayo, whose performance art approach yielded hits like " Así me gusta a mí ," and production groups like Pont Aeri, responsible for the anthem " Flying Free ." The scene was also driven by super-clubs that functioned as musical brands, including Chasis, Scorpia, and X-Que, which released prolific compilation albums such as Maquina Total and Bit Music Greatest Hits .

The "Ruta Destroy" was originally defined by an eclectic mix of guitar music and dark industrial sounds. This era is characterized by the consumption of EBM , New Beat , and Post-Punk .

As the 90s began, the sound shifted toward a unique local fusion of Techno and New Beat , bridging the gap between dark EBM and the upcoming explosion of speed.

By 1993/1994, the sound hardened into Mákina. This genre is defined by high tempos (160+ BPM), pitch-shifted "happy" vocals, and euphoria. This era corresponds with the rise of Catalan mega-clubs.

The scene was fueled by massive compilation albums (megamixes) sold in supermarkets and gas stations, often featuring low-budget cover art or 3D graphics.

The infrastructure of the movement relied on specific "temples" that defined the route.

Located along the El Saler road (CV-500). These were the pioneers of the "destroy" schedule.

As the scene in Valencia faced police crackdowns, the epicenter of the "hard" sound moved north to Catalonia in the mid-90s.The Balearic aesthetic is a visual and cultural style that originated in the late 1980s on the island of Ibiza. It is characterized by a mood of unhurried, sun-drenched euphoria and bohemian freedom, which is rooted in the eclectic, chilled-out nature of the Balearic Beat music genre. The aesthetic is characterized by its soft sun-bleached color palette and an emphasis on the natural environment (particularly sunsets and beaches) transcending any one fashion or genre to embody a lifestyle of spontaneous bliss.

Ibiza's history as a major tourist destination in Europe precedes the emergence of Balearic Beat. The island attracted many musical artists and nonconformists starting in the 1950s. Among them were wealthy visitors, hippies , bohemians , and members of the LGBTQ+ community.

Following the Spanish transition to democracy , nightlife began to take off in Spain in the 1970s and 1980s, with cultural movements such as La Movida (in multiple cities, including Madrid) or Ruta Destroy (in Valencia). In Ibiza, a scene emerged with the opening of nightclubs like Pacha. DJs such as Massimo Zuchelli, Jean-Claude Maury, and DJ Carlos pioneered the nightlife scene of Ibiza. They played various musical genres, including pop, rock, and early forms of dance music. They typically had connections to music scenes from other parts of Europe and the United States, which would influence their own works.

European musicians like Sandy Marton from Croatia and German groups Casablanca and Angie St John released songs inspired by the experience in Ibiza, which drew inspiration from Eurodisco and traditional Mediterranean music.

One of the first DJs to pioneer the "Balearic" sound was Argentine DJ Alfredo Fiorito. He is often considered the "father" of the genre. He fled his country for Europe in 1976 following a coup d'état , which estabilished a military dictatorship in Argentina. Originally, he stayed in Barcelona, but later moved to Ibiza because he liked the idea of living in an island. His DJ sets in the mid-1980s were eclectic, encompassing genres like Europop, rock, R&B, Reggae , dub, early house, and EBM . Alfredo also included popular songs by artists like Chris Rea.

Balearic Beat's date back to the Balearic island of Ibiza in the mid-1980s. Various British DJs such as Trevor Fung, Paul Oakenfold, and Danny Rampling encountered the emerging genre during a 1987 trip to the island, particularly at the Amnesia nightclub. There, Argentine DJ Alfredo Fiorito played an eclectic mix of music that would become highly influential.

Fiorito's sets incorporated a wide range of genres, including early house music, indie dance (such as the Woodentops), alternative rock (like the Waterboys), Europop, and unexpected tracks from artists like Peter Gabriel and Chris Rea. This was a diverse approach that combined the best of pop and underground music, and they liked the idea. They found similar musical styles at other Ibizan clubs like Pacha and Ku.

Inspired by their experiences, Oakenfold, Fung, and Ian St. Paul opened the Funhouse nightclub in London. The venue aimed to recreate the atmosphere and sound they had encountered in Ibiza. Oakenfold returned to Ibiza in the summer of 1987, and collaborated with other DJs like Danny Rampling, Johnny Walker, and Nicky Holloway, who were also drawn to the new "Balearic sound."

Back in England, Oakenfold opened the Project Club in South London. The club attracted those already familiar with the Ibiza scene, and popularized the growth of Balearic Beat within the British rave scene. The British Balearic scene was associated with drug use, especially ecstasy, and members adopted baggy fashion.

Balearic Beat continues to be documented and reinterpreted through the regular release of compilations, often annually. The compilations tend to feature a mix of classic tracks and newer songs by contemporary artists. Balearic Beat music is also really popular in YouTube, where many channels upload chillout/relaxation videos of Mediterranean beaches and islands accompanied by Balearic music. The influence of the genre can be seen in microgenres such as Chillwave and Vaporwave . The genre also has a cult following in various countries, from its birthplace in Ibiza to Norway and Japan.

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Balearic Beat is a broad genre that can overlap with others, including House, New Beat , or Acid House . The Crack magazine defined it as "more of a mindset" than a rigidly defined genre.Balletcore is an aesthetic and fashion trend that originated in the early 2020s on Tiktok, but started to attract mainstream attention in late 2022. The aesthetic is strongly associated with Coquette , a hyper-feminine aesthetic among teenaged girls. Balletcore itself may have started from Princesscore and other feminine aesthetics gaining popularity during the pandemic.

The aesthetic also gained popularity in South Korea and other nations. The style is based on either the practice outfits or the performance costumes of professional ballet dancers, which includes very specific trends and textiles that developed separately from mainstream fashion. Throughout fashion trends, ballet has always had some influence, but with this trend, the trend was more explicit, with the entire outfit being ballet-inspired, as well as the name being prominent.

Balletcore is largely based on pre-existing fashion that has always existed within the ballet-dancing community and in performances. Although ballet itself began earlier in the late Middle Ages , beginnings of ballet fashion as people know it today began in the Romantic period during the early 19th century in Western Europe. The lasting influence from that period in fashion is the use of long, calf-length sheer skirts and the introduction of pointe shoes, which are specialized shoes that allow dancers to stand and move on the tips of their toes.

As the dance continued into the 20th century, the use of sportswear was vital for this activity. Leotards, knit jersey, and other modern inventions became commonplace within the studio. As many fashion designers took inspiration from the performances, as well as other people looking to dancers as a symbol of grace, people mimicked their fashion in everyday clothing. For a more comprehensive history on ballet's influence on fashion, see the Wikipedia article . The rest of the section will now focus on Balletcore as a modern trend related to the internet and virality.

Like in the past, designer fashion brands included ballet elements in recent collections. Simone Rocha is a designer known for contributing to the aesthetic due to her consistent use of tulle, pearls, and satin. Specific designer garments also led to the rise of the aesthetic. Miu Miu's ballet flats, with the same satin material and bows as a pointe shoe, debuted in the F/W 2022 collection. (Note that F/W collections are always shown in summer.)

Part of this trend is also the return of early to mid 2000s fashion; ballet flats, legwarmers, bolero cardigans, and ruffled skirts were incredibly popular among teenagers during this time, and a more preppy and feminine aesthetic was generally popular.

Balletcore also became known in South Korea because of the incredibly famous K-pop group Red Velvet basing their March 2022 EP Feel My Rhythm's aesthetic on ballet. In their music video and promotional pictures, they wear pink satin high heels and corsets with white chiffon dresses.

Many popular co-existing aesthetics contributes to the popularity of Balletcore among internet teens. The Coquette community, which has a pink, frilly aesthetic that includes ribbons and tulle, often crosses over.

Another link with the Balletcore community and its popularity is the emergence of the online "female rage" fandom/community, which is incredibly linked with the Coquette subgenre of Waif . The online community focuses on discussing media with mentally ill female characters; this includes the film Black Swan as a major inspiration, and its distinctive costume design was aspirational to many young women.

Balletcore is largely a fashion aesthetic. However, the framing of many photos is often tied to the setting of a ballet studio , which is very specific with its mirrored wall, rubber or hardwood floors, and barres (horizontal poles for practicing dance) or on the stage of ballet theatres. Often, the models/influencers would also pose as if they were dancing ballet, such as turning out their feet, looking off to the side, or mimicking the hand position of dancers.

Ballet has had a large influence on textiles, as clothes for active movement or the expectations in design for ballet performances require them.

Mainstream fashion takes influence from ballet with flowy dresses or tutus, bows, light and breezy layers, leg warmers, and ballet shoes. On the performance side, satin, lace, and tulle are common, while on the practice side, soft knitwear, spandex, lycra, and chiffon are worn.

The popularity of Balletcore can be related to the rising concern that the skinny body trend is coming back. Ballet as a profession has long been associated with anorexia and other eating disorders. Because the aspirational image and motifs of the fashion are associated with people who are thin, there is concern that teenaged girls would gain eating disorders in pursuit of the aesthetic. Many pro-Ana and thinspo blogs have already posted or reposted content relating to Balletcore.

Many ballet dancers also dislike the aesthetic because it is essentially cosplaying ballet dancers who wear this in their day-to-day profession, often with little accuracy. There does not appear to be political or social criticism. But rather, most consider it inaccurate and disrespectful to their craft, but do appreciate that it makes the public excited about the dance.Ballroom Culture is an underground subculture predominantly created by and for African American and Latino LGBTQ+ individuals, originating in New York City. It is a social and competitive space where participants, known as "walkers," compete for trophies, prizes, and recognition at events called "balls." These events blend elements of performance, dance, lip-syncing, and modeling. Historically, ballroom culture provided a vital safe haven and surrogate family structure for queer people of color who were often marginalized or ostracized by their biological families and broader society.

The culture is fundamentally rooted in necessity and defiance, evolving from earlier masquerade balls held in the late 19th century where queer individuals openly challenged laws prohibiting cross-dressing. Ballroom has consistently reflected and commented on themes of race, class, and gender, allowing participants to embody aspirational identities and find community. Its unique vernacular, dance styles (most notably voguing), and fashion have significantly influenced mainstream popular culture, from music to television, while maintaining its underground community and distinct purpose.

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The Ballroom scene developed a unique and expressive lexicon, much of which has since permeated broader LGBTQ+ culture and, in some instances, mainstream vernacular. These terms are integral to the identity, communication, and performance within the community.

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Ballroom Culture has been represented and influenced by various forms of media, particularly in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. These productions have represented the scene's history, aesthetics, and community, while also bringing its elements to wider public awareness.

Various online platforms and organizations serve as important resources for understanding, engaging with, and supporting Ballroom Culture.Basque Radical Rock is a punk movement that emerged in the Basque Country and Navarre regions of Spain during the 1980s. The movement is defined by a raw, confrontational, and highly politicized visual style that was used on album covers, concert posters, and in fanzines. Aesthetically, it is a direct reflection of the social and political turmoil of the post-Franco era in the Basque Country, blending a punk DIY ethos with symbols of regional identity and leftist protest.

The visual style of Basque Radical Rock is characterized by its crude, high-contrast, and often collage-based designs. It stands apart from the more glamorous and art-focused Movida Madrileña , favoring a grittier, more visceral style that mirrored the harsh realities of unemployment, the heroin crisis, and political violence that defined the region at the time.

The origins of the Basque Radical Rock movement trace back to the late 1970s. Early Basque punk rock bands, drawing inspiration from British punk , emerged during this period and proliferated across the Basque Country and Navarre. Adhering to the punk philosophy that musical proficiency was not a prerequisite, bands such as Odio, Basura, Vulpess, and RIP, primarily from industrial areas like Bilbao and Mondragón, characterized this initial phase.

The term " Rock Radikal Vasco " was coined in 1983 by José Mari Blasco, former manager of La Polla Records, and Marino Goñi, founder of the Soñua record label, following a festival in Navarre held in protest against Spain's entry into NATO. The label was met with some controversy from the start, as some groups rejected it as a commercial tag, while others disliked the inclusion of the word "Basque" (" vasco "), feeling that punk rock should not be tied to any single ethnic or national group.

The mid-1980s marked the movement's peak. Bands including Hertzainak, La Polla Records, Zarama, Eskorbuto, Barricada, RIP, and Kortatu gained prominence, consolidating a dedicated following. The movement peaked around 1987 with the release of the compilation album Bat, bi, hiru... hamar by the newspaper Egin, which significantly expanded the bands' audience. However, this period also signaled the movement's decline as its initial cohesion diminished. Bands pursued individual artistic paths, and the devastating impact of drug use and AIDS on key members of bands like Cicatriz, RIP, and Eskorbuto, led to the end of the scene's first wave.

The newspaper Egin and independent fanzines were very important in disseminating the movement's music and ideology. The political party Herri Batasuna also played a role through its " Martxa eta borroka " (Rhythm and Fight) campaign, which organized concerts combined with political rallies. Concerts frequently aligned with the Basque National Liberation Movement, supporting causes such as ETA prisoners, Basque language schools, and anti-fascist movements.

Musically, the movement was diverse, encompassing influences from punk, rock, ska, and reggae. Its unifying factor was a shared anti-establishment attitude rather than a singular musical style. While Spanish was the most common language, some bands, notably Hertzainak and later Kortatu, performed in the Basque language. The movement's influence remains evident in contemporary Basque and Spanish music.

The visual identity of Basque Radical Rock is defined by a raw, urgent, and DIY approach. The aesthetic rejects polish and sophistication in favor of a look that is immediate and confrontational.

The primary medium for the aesthetic was the album cover, which often resembled a handmade collage or a page from a zine. The designs frequently feature a stark color palette of black, white, and red, often incorporating the green of the Basque flag. Typography is typically crude, resembling stencils, ransom notes, or rough handwriting, a clear rejection of professional graphic design.

Imagery is often aggressive and chaotic, utilizing high-contrast photography, scribbled drawings, and jarring juxtapositions of political symbols with punk iconography. This DIY, cut-and-paste method was not just an aesthetic choice but a reflection of the scene's limited resources and its anti-commercial, underground ethos.

Political symbolism is a central and inseparable component of the Basque Radical Rock aesthetic. Unlike other punk scenes where political imagery might be used for general shock value, in RRV the symbols are tied to specific, local struggles. The Basque flag (Ikurriña) is a recurring motif, used as a direct statement of regional identity and separatist sentiment. The red star, a common symbol of socialism, is also frequently used, reflecting the movement's predominantly leftist and anti-capitalist leanings.

Images of protests, police confrontations (particularly against the Guardia Civil ), and other symbols of state oppression are common visual themes, directly linking the aesthetic to the political reality of the era.

The political ideology of Basque Radical Rock varied among bands but was largely characterized by anti-establishment sentiment. Lyrics frequently criticized societal structures, the Spanish state, the central government in Madrid, law enforcement, the monarchy, the Catholic Church, the military, NATO, and other institutions. This criticism stemmed from the movement's roots in opposition to the values of the Franco regime and the perceived failure of the Spanish transition to democracy to address Basque national and social aspirations.

The socio-economic conditions of the Basque Country in the 1980s, marked by industrial decline and high unemployment, contributed to the movement's political orientation. Many artists came from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. The introduction of heroin during Spain's "Industrial Reconversion" had a devastating impact on the region, resulting in numerous deaths among musicians and fans.

While a general anti-establishment stance prevailed, specific political affiliations varied among bands. Some aligned with the Abertzale movement, advocating for Basque left-wing nationalism or separatism. Others adopted an anarchist perspective, rejecting all forms of nationalism. The movement lacked a unified political platform, with bands expressing diverse viewpoints. La Polla Records, for example, focused on satirical social commentary, while Eskorbuto's lyrics reflected nihilism, and Kortatu espoused Basque nationalism.Berlin Techno Fashion describes the distinctive style of dress associated with the electronic music club scene in Berlin, particularly within its techno subculture. It emerged from the city's post-reunification environment, drawing influences from 1980s German punk and new wave , as well as the city's nascent fetish and sex club scenes. The aesthetic prioritizes comfort, self-expression, and a low-profile vibe over showcasing trends or commercial luxury. While often stereotyped as exclusively all-black, the style encompasses various elements, adapting to different clubs and party themes while maintaining a focus on authenticity and freedom.

The style's development was intertwined with the rise of techno music after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The availability of abandoned buildings in East Berlin facilitated illegal parties, where ravers sought comfortable clothing for dancing. The punk aesthetic of dark colors and leather, which had previously been a symbol of anti-government sentiment in East Germany and a free-spirited expression in West Berlin, persisted in the club scene.

Clubs like Tresor, which brought in international DJs and established Berlin's techno culture, saw clubbers dressing for functionality rather than display. The emergence of sex clubs in the 1990s, including gay clubs like Snax (a predecessor to Berghain), further integrated fetishwear and bikerwear elements, often in black, into the club aesthetic. Ostgut, which later evolved into Berghain, also included the Lab.oratory, a private sex club where patrons dressed for comfort or chose to be minimally dressed.

The all-black dress code became particularly associated with Berghain, an iconic techno club operating since 2004. This association intensified in the mid-2010s, partly due to its strict no-photo policy and selective door. While initially, clubbers wore comfortable, minimal clothing, the rise of social media and the club's global reputation led to an increasingly specific "uniform" of head-to-toe black, fetishwear, thick boots, and leather for those attempting to gain entry. However, staff and regulars emphasize that authenticity, confidence, and comfort for long hours of dancing are more critical than adhering to a strict dress code. Some clubs, like Kater Blau, Sisyphos, and Renate, encourage highly expressive and colorful outfits that deviate from the all-black stereotype, reflecting a more fantastical or theatrical approach.

The all-black preference in some clubs is also attributed to the historical lack of light in early abandoned warehouse venues, where the atmosphere naturally dictated darker attire. Despite this, some clubs, like KitKat, now explicitly encourage creative, colorful, fabulous, glamorous, glittery, magical, or fetishistic outfits, moving away from a strict basic all-black. The LGBTQ+ community has played a significant role in shaping the scene, contributing to its diverse and expressive fashion, and clubs prioritize creating safe spaces where individuals can express themselves freely.

In recent years, Berlin techno fashion has gained broader recognition, influencing contemporary designers such as Demna Gvasalia at Balenciaga and Rick Owens, who have incorporated dystopian, minimalist, and utilitarian aesthetics into their collections.

Berlin Techno Fashion prioritizes comfort, functionality, and self-expression within the club environment. The aesthetic typically features all-black or dark tones , which historically emerged from the low light conditions of early abandoned warehouse venues. This monochromatic preference also aligns with a desire for a low-profile vibe, a subversion of commercial fashion trends, and a focus on authenticity over display.

Key elements of the style include utilitarian and practical garments suited for long hours of dancing. This often translates to thick, sturdy boots , comfortable clothing, and items that allow for freedom of movement. Influences from 1980s German punk and new wave , such as dark colors and leather, persist within the aesthetic.

The style also incorporates elements from fetishwear and bikerwear , including leather, lingerie, and harnesses. This integration became prominent with the rise of sex clubs in the 1990s, particularly in gay club spaces like Snax and Ostgut, which later evolved into Berghain. At some venues, patrons may choose to be minimally dressed or use accessories that complement specific activities.

While a pervasive stereotype associates the scene solely with all-black and fetish elements, particularly concerning entry to clubs like Berghain, the aesthetic as a whole is more diverse. Other clubs, such as Kater Blau, Sisyphos, and Renate, encourage highly expressive, colorful, and theatrical outfits, reflecting a fantastical approach. However, even in these varied contexts, the principles of comfort, confidence, and genuine self-expression remain prevalent. The LGBTQ+ community has played a significant role in shaping the scene's fashion.

The distinct fashion of Berlin's club scene developed in close relation to electronic music, particularly techno. While techno music originated in Detroit among African-American musicians, it became the defining sound of Berlin after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The availability of abandoned buildings facilitated the rise of illegal parties, where this new music genre flourished. Clubs like Tresor were instrumental in establishing Berlin's techno culture by bringing in DJs from Detroit, New York, and Chicago, thus introducing the new sound to Europe.

The early techno sound in Berlin evolved into a more minimal and harder beat. This music provided a platform for German youth seeking to express newfound freedoms. The design of the fashion, prioritizing comfort and functionality, directly supported the experience of extended dancing sessions in these venues. The emphasis on individual expression within the club space, rather than adherence to strict fashion norms, mirrored the liberating nature of the music. Techno was initially viewed as political and anti-system, an attitude reflected in the subculture's "I don't care" approach to conventional attire. The consistent "great" sound found in many iconic Berlin clubs became a central component of the subculture, reinforcing the link between the music and the accompanying aesthetics.Bikers are a subculture revolving around riding motorcycles, and the lifestyle/culture associated with it. The biker aesthetic is not quite the bike itself, or anyone who rides one, but a specific type of style and attitude that is associated with it. The biker aesthetic is an image of toughness, roughness, sex appeal, and danger.

Though motorcycles have been around since the 1800s (commercially, since the 1900s),  'biker culture' as we know it now has its roots in post-WWII. With the men coming back from service, motorcycle advertising changed to reflect a masculine aesthetic, with women being pushed out of the picture, or included only as passengers for sex appeal. This push was part of the post-war movement for men to return to their prior 'masculine' roles, with women returning to their 'housewife' duties.

Although the reach of the aesthetic has spread across the world, it's mainly associated with America, Japan, and Britain. The aesthetics vary by region, though all share common aesthetics, such as the tough and ‘criminal’ association.

Biker fashion changes culturally, but most incorporate leather, blacks and reds, studs, chains, jeans/denim, 'punk' styles, and 'edgy' styles. For women, there is usually an emphasis on sex appeal, while men emphasize masculinity and intimidation.

Metal, hard rock, and punk music is usually associated with bikers.The Bikiniarze (singular: bikiniarz , "bikini boys") were a youth subculture in Stalinist-era Poland, active from the late 1940s through the 1950s. They were defined by their flamboyant, Western-inspired fashion and a love for jazz music, which together served as a form of cultural rebellion against the gray, state-enforced uniformity of communism.

According to writer Leopold Tyrmand, their name originated from their iconic, hand-painted neckties, which often featured imagery related to the Bikini Atoll—such as palm trees, women in bikinis, and even atomic bomb mushroom clouds.

The movement was the Polish equivalent of similar post-war youth subcultures across Europe, such as the Stilyagi in the Soviet Union or the Zazou in France. Their aesthetic was a conscious rejection of socialist realist doctrine and a "small gesture of independence" in a time of repression.

The Bikiniarze subculture emerged in post-WWII Poland as a reaction against the drab reality of Stalinism. At a time when the communist authorities promoted an ascetic and uniform image for its citizens, the Bikiniarze manifested their individuality through fashion and music, drawing inspiration from an inaccessible, idealized American culture.

Their non-conformity was viewed by the authorities as an ideological threat. The Bikiniarze were subjected to a massive negative propaganda campaign in the state-controlled press, where they were portrayed as "hooligans," "parasites," and "enemies of the people," corrupted by "imperialist influences." The state organized crackdowns, and members of the subculture were regularly detained, beaten, and arrested by the Citizens' Militia ( Milicja Obywatelska ) and its volunteer reserve (ORMO).

The persecution culminated in a 1951 show trial of "bikiniarze," where young people were accused of espionage and sabotage, supposedly inspired by broadcasts from Radio Free Europe. The trial was a propaganda tool designed to discredit the movement and intimidate youth away from Western influences.

The fashion of the Bikiniarze was their primary tool of rebellion. Every element of their attire was carefully chosen to contrast with the socialist grayness of the streets.

The male uniform was built around a specific silhouette, featuring a wide, plaid jacket with padded shoulders (known as a marynara na kilowatach , "jacket on kilowatts") paired with very narrow, tapered trousers. The most iconic element was the hand-painted necktie, which was decorated with colorful, exotic motifs such as palm trees, women in bikinis, or mushroom clouds in a direct reference to the American nuclear tests on the Bikini Atoll. This look was completed with thick, crepe-soled suede shoes, colloquially called słonina ("lard"), which revealed brightly colored, striped socks known as piratki ("pirates"). Men wore their hair long and styled it into a signature wave combed back from the forehead, a look known as a mandolina ("mandolin") or kaczy kuper ("duck's ass").

Women associated with the movement, called kociaki ("kittens"), wore wide, circular skirts or very narrow pencil skirts with a slit, tight-fitting blouses, and, daringly for the time, trousers and leather jackets. Their simple ponytail hairstyles and use of makeup (red lipstick, defined eyebrows) also emulated the style of Western movie stars.Blokecore is a fashion trend that draws inspiration from British football culture, specifically featuring retro club uniforms from the 1980s and 1990s. The term "bloke," a British slang term for a man, similar to "bro" or "dude," was incorporated into the trend's name.

The term was coined by American TikToker Brandon Huntley in late 2021. This naming was initially a joke, stemming from Huntley's observation of British football YouTubers frequently using the word "bloke." The aesthetic gained popularity on TikTok in April 2022 after Huntley's initial video, which proclaimed "Hottest trend of 2022: bloke core," went viral.

While Huntley is credited with popularizing the term, the elements of the Blokecore aesthetic are not new. Football fans in the United Kingdom have sported similar ensembles for decades, and the style has periodically appeared in fashion. Blokecore encapsulates elements of British pub culture and a general love for football, merging these with contemporary TikTok trends.

The aesthetics' inspiration extends to various British subcultures, including the Hooligan culture prevalent among football fans in the 1970s and 1980s, as well as the Casuals and Ultras subculture. Unlike the Casuals, who often avoided replica kits to maintain a discreet dedication to the game, Blokecore embraces visible team jerseys.

The word "bloke" is a British slang to refer to a man that is closely related to someone or a friend, similar to the American equivalent of "bro" and "dude". The term "Bloke Core" was coined in late 2021 by the American TikToker Brandon Huntley as a joke, after realizing that many British football youtubers use the word "bloke". The aesthetic became viral on TikTok in April 2022 after the popularity of his first video showing it and stating: "Hottest trend of 2022: bloke core".

Blokecore is inspired by the Hooligan culture, that was popular among football fans in the United Kingdom during the 1970s and 1980s, as well as the Grime music scene and the Casuals subculture. It can also be related to the 2022 FIFA World Cup, that was going to happen in Qatar on that same year.

The aesthetic aims to give a sense of passion for the football club, identity, self-esteem, beauty, and to claim a style that has been historically unappreciated. And because of that, the trend has been criticized for trying to gentrify the British working class by utilizing its symbols and styles on a superficial level.Blokette , a microtrend popularized on TikTok, was coined by the fashion commentary podcast Nymphet Alumni in late 2022. This aesthetic blends elements of Blokecore and Coquette styles. Blokecore involves masculine-leaning pieces such as oversized football jerseys, vintage sports jackets, and Adidas Sambas, drawing from a simplified interpretation of English pub and sports culture. In contrast, the Coquette aesthetic is hyper-feminine, focusing on elements like mini skirts, knee-high socks, and hair ribbons.

The core concept of Blokette lies in combining these traditionally masculine and feminine pieces to create a contrast in gender presentation. It incorporates items like football shirts, athletic sweaters and jackets with ballet flats, leg warmers, pleated wool skirts, and hair ribbons. This fusion results in a bold mix of colors, logos, and stripes from sportswear combined with the softer tones and textures of lace, silk, and chiffon. While the trend has been embraced by fashion figures such as Bella Hadid and Ruby Lyn, it also reflects experimentation with gender expression in contemporary fashion, emphasizing a playful and often self-aware approach to styling.

Commonly worn blokette pieces include adidas sambas, ballet flats, athletic pants, leg warmers, hair ribbons, football shirts, pleated wool skirts, and athletic sweaters and jackets.

Under ConstructionBobby-Soxer is a slang term and youth subculture that described adolescent girls, typically aged 12 to 17, in the United States during the mid-to-late 1940s. The name, which was imposed by the media rather than self-applied, derived from the girls' signature fashion of short, white ankle socks worn folded down with loafers or saddle shoes.

The subculture was characterized by zealous fandom for traditional popular music (especially the crooning of Frank Sinatra) and pioneering a new, peer-oriented casual youth aesthetic that emphasized conformity and emotional expression. The Bobby-Soxer phenomenon signaled a crucial shift in American society, establishing teenagers as a major distinct consumer demographic.

They are often retrospectively considered a "patient zero" for intense modern fandom, with their devotion to Frank Sinatra drawing contemporary comparisons to later phenomena such as 1960s Beatlemania and the "Swifties" fandom surrounding Taylor Swift.

The Bobby-Soxer phenomenon emerged during the cultural disruptions of World War II and the subsequent post-war economic boom. The subculture gained visibility around 1943. The iconic bobby socks themselves gained popularity out of necessity and rebellion: wartime restrictions and the diversion of materials like nylon and silk to military production made full-length stockings scarce, prompting girls to adopt the shorter, folded cotton ankle socks. This new casual style, often paired with saddle shoes or loafers, diverged sharply from the formal attire of previous generations.

Frank Sinatra's solo career coincided perfectly with this rise. His intimate vocal style proved highly popular with adolescent girls, creating an emotional outlet amid wartime uncertainties. Sinatra's 1942 performance at the Paramount Theatre in New York City set the template for mass teen idol worship, marked by intense physical and emotional reactions from his female fans.

The presence of Bobby-Soxers signaled the emergence of a lucrative youth consumer market. Advertisers and businesses, recognizing the immense spending power of these "teen tycoons," began targeting products specifically at adolescent girls, prolonging the period of adolescence. This market was sustained by the girls' own income from part-time jobs and allowances, which they spent on entertainment, fashion, and records.

The intense, often hysterical, fandom demonstrated by Bobby-Soxers—who engaged in public swooning (dramatic groaning and falling to the ground) and screaming—established patterns of collective celebrity worship that directly prefigured later movements such as Elvis Presley fandom and Beatlemania.

The defining element of the attire was the namesake bobby socks, short white ankle-length socks that were carefully folded down at the cuff. These were invariably paired with sturdy low-heeled saddle shoes (black-and-white oxfords) or penny loafers.

Upper garments favored a casual, schoolgirl aesthetic, often consisting of Shetland wool sweaters or sweater sets worn over simple white blouses. These were usually combined with pleated skirts or, later in the 1950s, the full poodle skirt, though cuffed denim jeans were sometimes worn in less formal settings. Accessories were minimal but included identification bracelets and bows or ribbons securing their long hair.

Grooming emphasized a natural, youthful look, avoiding heavy makeup in favor of a subtle painted nail polish. The subculture's emphasis on uniformity and conformity was absolute, distinguishing them from adults' fashion. Social rituals revolved around public leisure that utilized this style. This included attending sock hops (informal dances where shoes were removed to protect the floor), loitering at soda fountains, and gathering at the movies or concerts to engage in collective emotional displays of fandom.

The behaviors and aesthetic of the Bobby-Soxers elicited widespread concern among parents, cultural critics, and authorities in the mid-1940s, creating a notable moral panic. Parents worried that the girls' intense emotional devotion to Frank Sinatra would lead to delinquency, impact their burgeoning sexuality, and alienate them from family values. The public swooning, screaming, and fainting at concerts were frequently interpreted by media outlets as signs of "mass hysteria" or "mass sexual delirium," reflecting deep-seated societal anxieties about youth autonomy and the loss of emotional control among adolescent girls. This led to exaggerated, often satirical, portrayals in films and newspapers that reinforced stereotypes of the girls as juvenile, emotional, and public safety threats.Bogan is a slang, primarily used in Australia and New Zealand, for a person whose speech, clothing, attitude and behaviour are considered unrefined or unsophisticated. Depending on the context, the term can be pejorative or self-deprecating.

Under Construction

associated with bogans, including flannelette shirts, blue singlets, Stubbieshorts, Fluro workwear, ugg boots, jeans and black leggings, and mullet hair cuts.

AC/DC

Country musicBombardier is a subculture that emerged in the mid 2010s and early 2020s in Romania. The Bombardieri are described as people attracted to kitschy forms and expressions in art and culture. Things commonly associated with the subculture include car culture and car models such as E90, E46, X5 and F10 models of BMWs and Audi A5, cheap Mercedes E and C class. Other important aspects include Vagabond clothing and Manele or Trap music. The Bombardier subculture has some subgenres such as Americanized Bombardier and the Bombardier subculture is usually associated with the Balkans and Roma people. It branched off the Cocalar subculture.Bon Chic, Bon Genre (French for "good style, good class"), commonly abbreviated as BCBG , is a French phrase that refers to a lifestyle aesthetic and subculture associated with the traditional high bourgeoisie. Originating in the affluent districts of Paris during the late 1970s and 1980s, BCBG extends beyond fashion to encompass a specific code of manners, education, and social conduct. Its core principle is understated elegance, valuing discretion, tradition, and timeless quality over fleeting trends or overt displays of wealth. It can be understood as a French expression of the Old Money aesthetic.

The phrase "bon chic, bon genre" emerged in the affluent social circles of Paris and Versailles during the late 1970s and early 1980s. Its components, "chic" and "bon genre," were concepts highly valued by French high society in the 19th century and had roots in the social codes of the Ancien Régime . The modern BCBG subculture evolved as a reaction against the countercultural movements of the era, such as the Hippie and Bohemian styles, offering a more traditional and sophisticated alternative. Characterized by an elegant and relaxed style inspired by prestigious French schools, it became associated with a specific lifestyle and even naming conventions.

The BCBG aesthetic is defined by its adherence to understated, high-quality fashion staples. Key items include tailored blazers, trench coats, tweed jackets, and cashmere V-neck sweaters or cardigans. These are often paired with button-down shirts, polo shirts, silk blouses, and tailored chinos or cigarette pants. Footwear typically consists of classic loafers, ballet flats, or riding boots. Accessories are essential but discreet, with pearl necklaces, silk scarves from brands like Hermès or Burberry, and classic leather handbags being archetypal. The overall look is conservative, prioritizing timeless silhouettes and quality craftsmanship over contemporary trends.

This style is an extension of a broader lifestyle centered on traditionalism, etiquette, and a self-proclaimed "good taste." Adherents are known for their formal and polite language, strict adherence to social manners, and a connection to Catholic values, often visible through participation in church events and attendance at private schools. This extends to personal naming conventions, where traditional, old-fashioned, or historically significant French names are favored, such as Guillaume , Albane , Tugdual , or Hippolyte , reflecting a value for heritage. Hobbies often include traditionally upper-class activities like scouting, attending chaperoned "rallye" dance parties, and taking an academic interest in French monarchist history.

The cultural touchstones of the BCBG subculture emphasize French heritage, literature, and classic pop music. The definitive guide to the lifestyle is Thierry Mantoux's 1985 book, BCBG: le guide du bon chic bon genre , which details the fashion and social codes of the group.

Musical tastes often lean towards classic French pop and chanson, with artists like Les Innocents and Sylvie Vartan being representative.

Examples of songs associated with BCBG include:

Reading often includes classic children's and young adult series by authors like the Countess of Ségur and Serge Dalens, which emphasize traditional values.

In France, the BCBG subculture is sometimes viewed with skepticism and can be perceived as snobbish or elitist. This criticism is often linked to the aesthetic's explicit association with the upper class, its emphasis on expensive heritage brands, and its conservative, traditionalist values, which can be seen as out of touch with mainstream society.Bravú is a Galician rock musical and cultural movement that emerged in the mid-1990s, characterized by a fusion of Galician folk traditions with the aggressive energy of punk rock . The movement was not a single musical genre but a network of bands, many originating from sparsely populated areas known as the " Galicia profunda ," who rejected the stigma against using the Galician language in rock music.

Bravú asserted a modern Galician cultural identity by melding the old and the new, the rural and the urban, into a hybrid culture described as "rurban" and "glocal." This philosophy was accompanied by a distinctive raw and defiant visual aesthetic that incorporated Galician cultural symbols into a DIY, punk-inspired graphic style. The movement was officially named in 1994.

Bravú originated in Galicia during the 1990s, influenced by anti-globalization sentiments and the regional musical precedents of the Movida Viguesa (1980s indie rock) and the strong Galician folk revival of the late 1980s. Artists like Xurxo Souto and Antón Reixa, following the path of earlier Galician bands such as Os Resentidos and Siniestro Total, challenged the established musical status quo by asserting that Galician was a viable language for rock and roll. Bands drew inspiration from the intensity of international acts like The Clash and Mano Negra, as well as the sociopolitical leanings of Basque Radical Rock bands like Kortatu.

The term Bravú was officially coined in 1994 in the aldea (hamlet) of Viana, Chantada, during a meeting of several pioneering bands, including Os Diplomáticos de Monte-Alto and Os Rastreros, at the second edition of the Castañazo Rock festival. The name is a reference to the characteristic smell and taste of wild, uncastrated game meat, symbolizing an untamed, authentic, and culturally resistant spirit. The movement became known for its unbridled and raw rock music, which critic Xavier Valiño characterized as "guitars reached the villages." The movement addressed the concerns of Galician youth, including unemployment and objections to military service, alongside rural issues such as the critique of local political power structures.

Bravú gained mainstream visibility through the popular children's television program Xabarín Club (broadcast on TVG from 1994 to 2009). The program's use of music videos from Bravú bands, including Heredeiros da Crus and Yellow Pixoliñas (despite their rejection of the label), exposed the sound and its cultural concepts to the millennial generation of Galician youth. This exposure normalized the use of the Galician language in popular music and cemented the movement's cultural impact.

The movement's legacy is significant within its region of origin, with some critics attributing the revitalization of the Galician language in popular music directly to Bravú. In 2024, the movement celebrated its 30th anniversary with a documentary, BRAVÚ XXX , produced by Nós Television, which featured iconic figures and contemporary Galician artists who acknowledge the movement's influence.

The visual aesthetic of Bravú is a decisive blend of a raw, DIY punk aesthetic and explicit references to Galician popular culture and rural life, creating a coherent graphic language. The general look is aggressive and high-contrast, designed to challenge cultural hierarchies.

Visual motifs that recur across album art and media include:

Bravú fashion is characterized by a "rurban" style that integrates the practical, durable clothing of rural and coastal Galician life with the confrontational elements of punk and rock subcultures. The presentation is typically authentic and unpretentious, reflecting the movement's anti-globalization and working-class pride.

Key elements of the fashion include:

The philosophy of the Bravú movement is a celebration of Galician cultural affirmation and a strong rejection of cultural homogeneity and stigma. The subculture consciously maintained an outsider status, pushing back against the idea that music or art from the periphery—specifically the aldeas —was inherently inferior or less commercially viable than that from major cities, or music sung in more widely spoken languages such as Spanish (Castilian) and English.

The movement championed authenticity and rural pride, with many bands actively celebrating village life and the Galician cultural experience within their lyrics. The term "bravú" connotes an untamed and fearless nature, symbolizing the vindication of rural roots and a confrontational spirit of cultural resistance.

Bravú actively promoted a form of cultural hybridity, affirming Galicianness while simultaneously integrating modern, global influences. This approach involved the fusion of traditional Galician folk roots with various forms of modern rock, creating a unique sound and aesthetic that was both local and contemporary. The movement sought to create a positive self-image for Galician youth, ultimately aiming to normalize and elevate Galician cultural production on a global scale.

Bravú music is a synthesis of punk rock and traditional Galician folk music. It is typically fast and loud, utilizing the traditional rock setup of drums, overdriven guitars, and bass, often supplemented by traditional Galician instruments like bagpipes ( gaita ) or accordions. The upright double bass is also featured, sonically connecting it to related genres like rockabilly and psychobilly . Lyrically, the music is almost entirely in Galician and uses a sarcastic, humorous, and sometimes socially conscious tone, addressing political and economic issues of the region.Brazilcore is a fashion microtrend that gained massive popularity on social media platforms like TikTok in the early 2020s. The aesthetic is defined by the prominent use of the colors and symbols of the Brazilian flag (primarily green, yellow, and blue) in a streetwear and Y2K -inspired context. The trend is a celebration and reclamation of Brazilian national identity, heavily inspired by the country's fervent football culture.

The aesthetic has a complex political dimension. Within Brazil, the trend emerged as a conscious effort to reclaim national symbols, particularly the flag and the national football jersey, after they had been heavily co-opted by supporters of the far-right former president, Jair Bolsonaro. For many, wearing the colors became an act of "depoliticizing" them and reasserting that they belong to all Brazilians.

While Brazilians have long shown national pride through clothing, particularly during the World Cup, the specific "Brazilcore" trend exploded globally around 2022. It was initially an extension of the Blokecore aesthetic, which centers on wearing football jerseys as fashion. However, Brazilcore quickly developed its own identity, focusing exclusively on Brazilian motifs.

The trend was amplified by international celebrities and models like Hailey Bieber, Emily Ratajkowski, and Rosalía, who were photographed wearing Brazilian-themed apparel, catapulting the look to a global audience. Simultaneously, within Brazil, designers like Abacaxi and social movements were actively promoting the use of the national colors as a symbol of unity and a reclamation of the "favela aesthetic," aiming to create respect for the art and style originating from these communities.

The visual identity of Brazilcore is a fusion of sportswear and Y2K -era streetwear, all filtered through a vibrant, patriotic color palette.

The quintessential garment of the Brazilcore aesthetic is the Brazilian national football team jersey, typically the iconic yellow and green version. This is styled in a variety of ways, often paired with low-rise jeans, cargo pants, or miniskirts to create a distinct Y2K look. Other common items include tracksuits, crop tops, and shorts in the national colors. In Brazil, the look is often completed with a pair of Havaianas flip-flops.

The aesthetic is strictly defined by the colors of the Brazilian flag: green, yellow, blue, and white. These colors are used in bold combinations, either as color-blocked outfits or as the primary colors in prints and patterns.

The global popularity of Brazilcore has been met with significant criticism, primarily concerning cultural appropriation and the perpetuation of stereotypes. Brazilian designers and cultural critics have pointed out that many international brands have adopted the "favela aesthetic" without including, crediting, or financially benefiting Brazilian creatives from those communities.

Furthermore, some critics argue that the trend's international popularity promotes a romanticized, "postcard" image of Brazil. This focus on a fun, tropical, and football-centric identity often obscures the serious political and social issues the country faces, such as systemic racism and high rates of police violence against the Afro-Brazilian population. The aesthetic, when worn by outsiders without this context, can be seen as participating in the "myth of racial democracy" that has historically concealed Brazil's deep-seated inequalities." Brazilian Bombshell " is a retrospective term for the fashion style of Brazilian supermodels during the 2000s-2010s. It is often associated with Victoria's Secret fashion shows and models such as Adriana Lima, Alessandra Ambrosio, and Gisele Bündchen.

The term is believed to be derived from Carmen Miranda's nickname, "the Brazilian Bombshell," a Portuguese-born Brazilian singer and actress who became popular in the United States in the 1930s-1940s. Miranda's flamboyant costumes and homage to Brazilian culture established her as a symbol of "exotic" beauty and confidence, qualities reminiscent of Brazilian supermodels in the 2000s.

The aesthetic experienced a resurgence in the 2020s, coinciding with the popularity of Y2K fashion trends and a renewed appreciation for 2000s models and the Victoria’s Secret Fashion Shows. It was contrasted with the " Slavic Doll " aesthetic, which emphasized a more fragile, doll-like beauty. The "Brazilian Bombshell" stands apart with its focus on athleticism, sun-kissed beauty, and confident sensuality. Users expressed nostalgia for this era of modeling by creating TikTok edits featuring supermodels whose careers took off in the early 2000s.

The rise of the "Brazilian Bombshell" aesthetic is closely intertwined with the success of Brazilian supermodels in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Gisele Bündchen, one of the most successful models ever, was dubbed "The Return of the Sexy Model" by Vogue in 1999, marking a shift away from the " heroin chic " look of the time.

By the mid-2000s, Brazilian models like Bündchen, Adriana Lima, and Alessandra Ambrosio had become prominent figures in the fashion industry, particularly through their association with Victoria's Secret. Lima's record-breaking tenure as a Victoria's Secret Angel, starting in 2000, solidified her status as an icon of the aesthetic.

In 2015, Brazilian models continued to dominate the industry. Bündchen's limited-edition coffee table book, priced at $700, sold out before its release, demonstrating her enduring influence and marketability. That same year, Ambrosio was featured on the cover of Maxim and named the "World's Sexiest Businesswoman." Lais Ribeiro earned her Victoria's Secret Angel wings, solidifying the presence of Brazilian models in the brand's lineup.

Bündchen's retirement from the runway in 2015 marked the end of an era, but her impact on the fashion world is still felt. Brazilian models continued to top Forbes's highest-earning models list, with Bündchen, Lima, and Ambrosio leading in earnings.

The legacy of these models continues to influence fashion and beauty ideals, with the "Brazilian Bombshell" aesthetic experiencing a resurgence in the 2020s.

The fashion worn by Brazilian supermodels in the 2000s, especially those connected to Victoria's Secret, have a major influence on the Brazilian Bombshell aesthetic. One of the most defining characteristics of the look is a toned and fit curvy body. There are not strict rules to what is worn within this aesthetic; it focuses more on how it is worn. The clothing is typically picked to show off curves and present an athletic, healthy body. Typically, they have long, wavy hair that is groomed naturally, with minimum makeup enhancing features rather than hiding them. The general impression is one of confidence, health, and carefree attractiveness.

2020s interpretations of the aesthetic typically draw inspiration from Y2K runway trends.

During the initial popularity of the "Brazilian Bombshells" in the 2000s, the aesthetic wasn't particularly associated with any music genre or songs. It was more visually defined, focused on the model's appearance and style in fashion photography and runway shows.

However, the recent resurgence of the aesthetic on TikTok saw a juxtaposition with funk carioca music.

The "Brazilian Bombshell" aesthetic has faced valid criticism for its lack of racial diversity. The aesthetic predominantly features models of European descent, including white-passing mixed women, which does not reflect the complete diversity of Brazilian people. This stems from the Eurocentric beauty standards of the early 2000s and excludes a significant portion of the Brazilian population.

This issue is further complicated by the tendency for non-Brazilians to define "Brazilian-looking" based on a narrow set of features, despite the country's diverse heritage and historical communities. Online commentary highlights how even Brazilians with features that don't fit this limited mold are sometimes questioned. For example, the misconception that supermodel Gisele Bündchen, despite being born and raised in a town founded by German immigrants in the mid-1800s, is somehow not "really" Brazilian, demonstrates this narrow perception. While her heritage includes German ancestry, Bündchen is undeniably Brazilian, showing the difference between ethnic ancestry and national identity. The same is true for other Brazilian personalities like gymnast Arthur Nory, TV host Xuxa Meneghel, and models Karol Nakamura and Daniel Matsunaga, who, despite their Brazilian nationality and heritage, may not fit the stereotypical image. These examples underscore how the American perception of Brazilian beauty often centers on a "permanent tan" and "slightly Germanic/Italian features," leading to a distorted and incomplete understanding of Brazilian identity.

While some argue that the selection of models simply reflects those who achieved the most success during that era, this overlooks the systemic barriers faced by Afro-Brazilian and other non-white models in the fashion industry. Even within Brazil, the media's portrayal of beauty has historically favored lighter skin tones, limiting opportunities for darker-skinned models to gain mainstream recognition.

While the "Brazilian Bombshell" aesthetic was a departure from the extreme thinness and unhealthy ideal of Heroin Chic in the 1990s — with Gisele Bündchen being cited as "the return of the sexy model" by Vogue in 1999, marking the end of heroin chic — its emphasis on a slim, toned physique still potentially contributes to unhealthy body image ideals and the development of eating disorders. The pressure to maintain a specific body type can have detrimental effects on individuals' self-esteem and mental health. Similarly, the resurgence of the Slavic Doll aesthetic has faced comparable criticism, though more intensely due to its overtness.

Notable models include:Brazilian Carnival is a popular and annual festival that takes place in Brazil during the four days that precede the start of Ash Wednesday, that is, normally between the months of February and the beginning of March depending on the year.

Carnival was introduced in Brazil in the 1800s, with Shrovetide, where there was a play brought by the Portuguese that consisted of throwing water, flour, eggs and paint at each other. This play ended up being adopted and also seen as a form of entertainment by the African slaves who lived in the Brazilian colonies, who had fun in their free time while mixing drumming and African rhythms with Portuguese music. This mixture of genres and rhythms would give rise to the carnival marchinhas and samba, which would become fundamental genres for the festival. The original Shrovetide play, however, was no longer practiced, because many upper-class citizens saw it as something uncivilized for the party, which made them adopt elements from Carnivals in other countries (specifically France) that replaced water, flour and eggs with colorful confetti, streamers and bouquets of flowers, which was seen as the most ideal for the festivity. Another element adopted from these countries were the traditional masks, originating from the Masquerade Ball, which were also well received.

In Brazilian metropolises such as Rio de Janeiro, Salvador and Recife, the new tradition of elements continued with the popularization of automobiles, where rich citizens of these cities went out with cars and threw confetti and streamers at passersby until the 1930s, when the end came of manufacturing convertible cars and also because they became cheaper vehicles, allowing more popular classes to join the fest.

With the marchinhas, the carnival set in the streets became more lively, with a sound resembling military marches, but faster and more engaging, which sometimes had lyrics with a social critique about the situation in Brazil in relation to political classes and society in general. The first marchinha, according to scholars and historians, was "Ó Abre Alas", composed in 1899 by Chiquinha Gonzaga. As the party became more popular across the country, so-called carnival groups or "foliões" (revelers) began to emerge, taking to the streets of the city playing marchinhas and making everyone dance. With the emergence of radio, many were able to recognize marchinhas, which became a popular musical genre among people, with several singers and performers of this style emerging, such as the actress and icon of Brazilian culture Carmen Miranda and Francisco Alves, who are two big names in the genre music industry.

Finally, in the 1960s, marchinhas gave way to samba, today one of the most popular genres of Brazilian Carnival alongside axé and frevo, which also gave rise to the popular samba schools.

In some states and regions of Brazil, there are sambadromes, which are spaces dedicated to parades and samba schools. Therefore, some of them stand out for their unique aspects that helped to develop and give more forms to the Brazilian Carnival.

In the northern region of Brazil, carnival is closely linked to the region's indigenous culture. A party called “Carnaboi” is common in Manaus, which merges the folklore of Bumbá Meu Boi with samba and axé.

The northeast region of Brazil stands out for carnivals usually held on seaside avenues where trios elétricos are present, large trucks with a very loud sound that are driven around the city. In the state of Pernambuco, more precisely in the city of Olinda, there are large dolls that portray characters, historical figures or celebrities, in addition to frevo, a genre originating in the state. In Bahia, in its capital Salvador, axé and samba-reggae stands out, which are also a genres originating there.

Brazilian Carnival fashion mainly involves masks and costumes of any theme and without restrictions, be it film or cartoon characters, mythical figures (fairies, angels and demons mainly), animals, etc. The colors normally present in carnival costumes and clothes are vibrant and bright, sometimes including glitter, which is one of the main trademarks of the festivity. The well-known costumes of Brazilian Carnival dancers includes:

Brazilian Carnival music mainly covers genres that emerged from the festival, such as marchinha, samba, axé, pagode and frevo. However, many Brazilians at private carnival parties began to expand into other genres unrelated to the festival, such as funk , MPB (Brazilian Popular Music) and even rock.Bro Culture , also known as Gymbro , is a subculture of young hypermasculine men who spend time partying with others like themselves. Although the popular image of bro lifestyle is associated with sports apparel and fraternities, it lacks a consistent definition.

Most aspects of Bro Culture can vary regionally, it can blend in with the Surfer culture of California, the Redneck culture of the Southeast, the Preppy culture of New England, the Chav culture of England, et cetera. Bro Culture guys may often be seen around some Baddies or older members of Bro Culture may find themselves with a Karen on their hands.

Bro Culture visuals feature things that will typically get the adrenaline pumping and the testosterone flowing; fast and/or loud cars, sports , guys getting drunk, ogling beautiful women , and occasionally getting into fights in an attempt to establish the bro-hierarchy in a particular troop of Bros .  When the Bro is pacified, he can be generally be well-meaning and laid-back, but if the Bro is angered (or incredibly drunk) it might be best to stay away from the Bro at all costs.

Bro Culture fashion features cargo shorts or pants, jean shorts (or "jorts"), sportswear, camouflage patterns, baseball caps, and t-shirts or hoodies emblazoned with the Monster Energy Drink logo. Bro Culture's fashion is generally similar to Normcore (although Normcore is going for a completely different vibe).  But while the Bro generally just wants to hang out, have a few drinks, and watch the game, some Bros have a tendency to get super aggressive at the drop of a hat. Bro Culture fashion includes:

Unlike many aesthetics, Bro Culture's color palette is not restricted; it can extend throughout the entire color spectrum.

According to Know Your Meme, the earliest documented proof of a Kyle is Nick Colleti's "White Kid Fight" Vine. On April 18th, 2019, Twitter user @vinnybrack posted a "Nobody:" joke about "kids named Kyle", showing a shirtless white boy with a collection of Monster Energy drinks and a hole punched into drywall. The tweet amassed over 29,000 retweets and 128,000 likes, and on May 27th, 2019, YouTuber Trevor Wallace posted a video in which he performed the exaggerated "Kyle" character, gaining over a million views.Buchón (masculine) or Buchona (feminine) is a subculture and fashion style that originated in the state of Sinaloa, Mexico, in the 2000s and is strongly associated with narco-culture. The style is a form of conspicuous consumption, defined by an extravagant and ostentatious display of wealth, power, and a taste for luxury designer brands. The term " buchón " is believed to have originally referred to Sinaloan peasants who moved to the mountains and developed a goiter (or "buche") from their diet, but it was later reappropriated to describe the newly rich members of the drug cartels.

The aesthetic is characterized by a specific and recognizable look for both men and women, centered on high-end, often logo-heavy, fashion from brands like Gucci, Versace, and Louis Vuitton. The subculture also has its own distinct musical tastes, primarily narcocorridos (drug ballads), as well as a preference for expensive accessories, exotic pets, and lavish parties. While it originated within a criminal underworld, the Buchón/Buchona style has had a significant and controversial influence on mainstream fashion and music in Mexico.

The term " buchón " has contested etymological roots, all of which reflect the socio-economic tensions of Sinaloa. One prevailing theory suggests it derives from the word " buche " (goiter), referring to peasants from the highlands (the Sierra) who developed neck swelling due to iodine-deficient water; as these individuals grew wealthy from illegal crops and moved to the cities, the derogatory term was reclaimed as a status symbol. A second theory attributes the name to the consumption of Buchanan's Deluxe 12-Year Whisky, a spirit so intrinsic to the culture that it became a metonym for the lifestyle itself. A third interpretation links it to the behavior of a pigeon ( palomo buchón ) puffing out its chest, symbolizing the arrogance and physical posturing of the subculture's members.

The Buchón aesthetic is the evolutionary successor to the "Chero" or "Gomero" style of the 1970s and 1980s. The earlier generation of traffickers maintained a strictly rural, cowboy-influenced appearance characterized by traditional Stetson hats, boots made of exotic skins (ostrich, snake), and large belt buckles. As the drug trade internationalized in the 1990s (specifically through contact with Colombian cartels) the aesthetic underwent a process of "urbanization" and "modernization." The younger generation, often educated in private schools or abroad, began blending the traditional rural machismo with global luxury fashion, hip-hop influences, and sportswear, creating the distinct Buchón hybrid of the 2000s.

By the late 2000s and early 2010s, the aesthetic detached from its strictly criminal origins and became a marketable "narco-marketing" product. Influenced by the " Movimiento Alterado " in music, the style was commercialized and sold to working-class youth. The look became a uniform for those seeking to emulate the power associated with the cartels, creating a social environment where "imitators" adopted the visual codes of violence to gain respect or instill fear in public spaces.

The Buchón visual aesthetic is characterized by " horror vacui " (a fear of empty space). Every surface, whether on the body or the vehicle, is typically covered in decoration, logos, or modifications. The aesthetic operates on a philosophy of intimidation and excess; the goal is to be immediately visible and to occupy as much space as possible.

This visual style extends to the physical body. Men often adopt a specific posture (walking with the chest puffed out and chin up) to project dominance. For women (Buchonas), the aesthetic is closely tied to a hyper-feminine and surgically enhanced body standard (often referred to as the "narco-beauty" ideal), characterized by exaggerated curves, heavy makeup, and immaculate grooming, serving as a visual counterpart to the male's display of resources.

The fashion of the subculture is a mix of high-end Italian design, American sportswear, and traditional Mexican ranchero elements. Unlike the quiet luxury of European elites, Buchón fashion prioritizes "logomania," where the value of the garment must be instantly recognizable.

The male uniform typically consists of fitted polo shirts or silk shirts from brands like Versace, Gucci, and Ralph Lauren, often featuring loud prints or oversized logos. Baseball caps are a primary accessory, frequently customized with sequins, beads, or embroidery featuring images of Saint Jude, Jesus Malverde, or the wearer's initials. Jeans are typically designer denim (True Religion and/or Armani), worn tight.

Footwear varies between high-end sneakers and modernized cowboy boots. Accessories include thick gold chains (often featuring crucifixes or AK-47 pendants), heavy luxury watches (Rolex, Cartier), and " mariconeras " (designer man-purses) used to carry cash or weapons.

The vehicle is an extension of the fashion. The aesthetic favors large pickup trucks (specifically the Chevrolet Cheyenne or Ford Lobo), often heavily modified with tinted windows, aftermarket rims, and upgraded sound systems. These vehicles serve as "tanks" for the urban environment, projecting the same mix of utility and aggression as the clothing.

The Buchón worldview is driven by a fatalistic hedonism, often summarized by the popular saying in the region: "Better to live five years as a king than fifty as an ox." This philosophy prioritizes immediate gratification, high-risk behavior, and the accumulation of experiences and goods over longevity or safety.

It is deeply rooted in a crisis of social mobility. For many participants, the aesthetic represents the only perceived path to dignity and respect in a stratified society. By adopting the symbols of the "Boss" ( El Jefe ), they attempt to reclaim power and demand service in a society that might otherwise marginalize them. The culture relies on "performative violence," where the clothes and attitude signal a potential for violence that commands immediate deference from others.

The aesthetic is inextricably linked to regional Mexican music, specifically Narcocorridos and the Movimiento Alterado . Unlike traditional corridos which narrated stories of revolutionaries, the music associated with the Buchón culture (pioneered by artists like El Komander) glorifies the hyper-violent lifestyle, heavy weaponry, and consumption of luxury goods. The lyrical content often functions as a catalogue of the brands, cars, and weapons that characterize the aesthetic.Burlesque refers to a genre of literature, drama, and performance that began in Western Europe, intended to cause laughter by exaggerating or mocking a serious topic. While the genre's history dates back to the 17th century, burlesque as a theatrical form originated in the Victorian era (1837–1901). Early Burlesque shows were often parodies of popular plays and operas, using comedy and satire to entertain audiences. These performances typically included musical numbers, comedic skits, and elaborate costumes.

During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Burlesque in the United States evolved to incorporate more risqué humor and striptease.  This led to the development of " American Burlesque," which featured a variety show format with comedic routines, musical acts, and striptease performances by female dancers. However, by the mid-20th century, changing tastes and stricter regulations led to a decline in its popularity.

In recent decades, there has been a resurgence of interest in burlesque, often referred to as " neo-burlesque. " This modern form draws inspiration from the classic Burlesque era while also incorporating a wider range of styles and modern expressions. Neo-Burlesque often features performers of all genders and body types and incorporates elements from other performance genres like French Cabaret, drag, and performance art. It has also influenced modern fetish culture and LGBTQ+ movements.

The word first appears in a title in Francesco Berni's Opere Burlesche of the early 16th century, works that had circulated widely in manuscripts before they were printed. For a time, burlesque verses were known as poesie bernesca in his honor. "Burlesque" as a literary term became widespread in 17th-century Italy and France, and subsequently England, where it referred to a grotesque imitation of the dignified or pathetic. Shakespeare's Pyramus and Thisbe scene in Midsummer Night's Dream and the general mocking of romance in Beaumont and Fletcher's The Knight of the Burning Pestle were early examples of such imitation.

In 17th-century Spain, playwright and poet Miguel de Cervantes ridiculed medieval romance in his many satirical works. Among Cervantes' works are Exemplary Novels and the Eight Comedies and Eight New Interludes, published in 1615. The term burlesque has been applied retrospectively to works of Chaucer and Shakespeare and to the Graeco-Roman classics.

Burlesque was intentionally ridiculous in that it imitated several styles and combined imitations of certain authors and artists with absurd descriptions. In this, the term was often used interchangeably with "pastiche," "parody," and the 17th and 18th century genre of the "mock-heroic." Burlesque depended on the reader's (or listener's) knowledge of the subject to make its intended effect, and a high degree of literacy was taken for granted.

17th and 18th century burlesque was divided into two types: High burlesque refers to a burlesque imitation where a literary, elevated manner was applied to a commonplace or comically inappropriate subject matter, as, for example, in the literary parody and the mock-heroic. One of the most commonly cited examples of high burlesque is Alexander Pope's "sly, knowing and courtly" The Rape of the Lock . Low burlesque applied an irreverent, mocking style to a serious subject; an example is Samuel Butler's poem Hudibras , which described the misadventures of a Puritan knight in satiric doggerel verse, using a colloquial idiom. Butler's addition to his comic poem of an ethical subtext made his caricatures into satire.

In more recent times, burlesque, true to its literary origins, is still performed in revues and sketches. Tom Stoppard's 1974 play Travesties is an example of a full-length play drawing on the burlesque tradition.

Victorian burlesque, sometimes known as "travesty" or "extravaganza", was popular in London theatres between the 1830s and the 1890s. It took the form of a musical theatre parody in which a well-known opera, play, or ballet was adapted into a broad comic play, usually a musical play, often risqué in style, mocking the theatrical and musical conventions and styles of the original work and quoting or pastiching text or music from the original work. The comedy often stemmed from the incongruity and absurdity of the classical subjects, with realistic historical dress and settings being juxtaposed with the modern activities portrayed by the actors. Madame Vestris produced burlesques at the Olympic Theatre beginning in 1831 with Olympic Revels by J. R. Planché. Other authors of burlesques included H. J. Byron, G. R. Sims, F. C. Burnand, W. S. Gilbert, and Fred Leslie.

Victorian burlesque related to and in part derived from traditional English pantomime "with the addition of gags and 'turns'." In the early burlesques, following the example of ballad opera, the words of the songs were written to popular music; later burlesques mixed the music of opera, operetta, music hall, and revue, and some of the more ambitious shows had original music composed for them. This English style of burlesque was successfully introduced to New York in the 1840s.

Some of the most frequent subjects for burlesque were the plays of Shakespeare and grand opera. The dialogue was generally written in rhyming couplets, liberally peppered with bad puns. A typical example from a burlesque of Macbeth: Macbeth and Banquo enter under an umbrella, and the witches greet them with "Hail! hail! hail!" Macbeth asks Banquo, "What mean these salutations, noble thane?" and is told, "These showers of 'Hail' anticipate your 'reign'". A staple of burlesque was the display of attractive women in travesty roles, dressed in tights to show off their legs, but the plays themselves were seldom more than modestly risqué.

Burlesque became the speciality of certain London theatres, including the Gaiety and Royal Strand Theatre from the 1860s to the early 1890s. Until the 1870s, burlesques were often one-act pieces running less than an hour and using pastiches and parodies of popular songs, opera arias and other music that the audience would readily recognize. The house stars included Nellie Farren, John D'Auban, Edward Terry and Fred Leslie. From about 1880, Victorian burlesques grew longer, until they were a whole evening's entertainment rather than part of a double- or triple-bill. In the early 1890s, these burlesques went out of fashion in London, and the focus of the Gaiety and other burlesque theatres changed to the new more wholesome but less literary genre of Edwardian musical comedy.

American burlesque shows were originally an offshoot of Victorian burlesque. The English genre had been successfully staged in New York from the 1840s, and it was popularized by a visiting British burlesque troupe, Lydia Thompson and the "British Blondes", beginning in 1868. New York burlesque shows soon incorporated elements and the structure of the popular minstrel shows. They consisted of three parts: first, songs and ribald comic sketches by low comedians; second, assorted olios and male acts, such as acrobats, magicians and solo singers; and third, chorus numbers and sometimes a burlesque in the English style on politics or a current play. The entertainment was usually concluded by an exotic dancer or a wrestling or boxing match.

In the 2000s, Neo-Burlesque led to an increase in interest and thus new movies about burlesque as a whole. Moulin Rouge! (2001), a jukebox musical that included pop music in the setting of a modernized and over-the-top interpretation of the original Moulin Rouge of the 19th century. Likewise, the 2010 film Burlesque continued this association.

Burlesque as an art form inspired drag shows, which originated in the 1920s. Drag shows take the format of burlesque and applies it to performers in drag, or the act of dressing as the opposite sex and acting in an exaggerated manner. This makes burlesque indirectly a large part of gay culture, especially in connection to Camp , with burlesque and cabaret being a historical example of this philosophical aesthetic.

Burlesque culture also became conscious in 2000s alternative youth subcultures ( Scene , Emo , theater kids, etc.) after the band Panic! at the Disco released their 2005 album A Fever You Cannot Sweat Out, an album incorporating rock, electronica, and baroque pop with visuals inspired by burlesque and circus motifs.

Burlesque fashion is inextricably tied to Cabaret but usually is more sensual and revealing in a performative setting. It is unlikely to see full-blown burlesque fashion in everyday settings due to its sexual nature, however hints of burlesque can be found in queer areas. For example, if someone wanted to emulate the burlesque aesthetic they'd likely dress in cabaret style for the sake of modesty.

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OtherBusiness Casual is an ambiguously-defined Western dress code that is generally considered casual wear but with smart components of a proper lounge suit from traditional informal wear, adopted for white-collar workplaces.

The fashion of this genre involves:Business Formal is similar to business professional, but this attire is commonly used for special events, dinner and award ceremonies. Colored suits and dresses are allowed, while still maintaining professionalism. Silk ties and pocket squares for men is a requirement. Long evening dresses for women may be appropriate.Business Professional is the most traditional attire, with strict dress code policy. This attire is required in conservative companies and in government work-related settings. Careers such as law, accounting, and finance commonly are required to wear Business Professional.Cagole is a term used in the region of Provence (Southern France) to describe the stereotype of young women who dress and behave in a vulgar or provocative way.

It typically denotes a woman who's "excessive" - this is manifested in a tendency towards heavy makeup, revealing clothing, and the abundant use of accessories like jewelry. The Cagole is also typically associated with extroverted behavior and a loud, hyperfeminine personality.

The term has been in use since at least the late 19th century, and emerged as a somewhat derogatory slang word in the 1980s. However, it was also reclaimed by some women as a positive self-identifier. While the trend's popularity declined in the mid-2010s, the term remains in common usage in Marseille and Provence due to its close association with Provençal culture.

The etymology of the the term " cagòla " (Provençal language) or " cagole " (adapted to Modern French, used in Southern French dialects) is uncertain. Two possible origins have been proposed:

The context of the term is generally well defined in Provence. On 21st January 2023, the directors of Parlez-vous le sud? , a France TV series that explain the origin of modern French words used in Southern France derived from the Occitan language, made a chapter on the term. The participants featured in the video individually described it as "a (fake) blonde" or "a girl, a bit pretty, a bit easy." The main presentator of the program finally described the term as "a woman who speaks too loudly, wears revealing clothing, who drinks and smokes a lot... and that's why I love them."

In Marseille, a " Miss Cagole " contest (parodying Miss France ) has been hosted in France 3 Marseille from the 1980s until its final 20th edition in 1997. This event was successfully revived in 2018 after a 20 year-long hiatus. One of the organizers characterized the Cagole as a "free woman of the South." Meanwhile, " Miss Cagole Nomade " is another contest has been held annually since 2021. Organized by the Cagole Nomade brand, the contest describes itself as a "queer and inclusive" event. However, this event is distinct from the one that has been hosted since the 1980s.

The resurgence of "Cagole" as a positive self-identifier is part of a broader effort to embrace the regional cultural heritage of Provence or  the larger Occitania; it contributes to the characteristics that historically and culturally difference it from the northern regions of France and Paris.

In recent decades, the term became infamous in other areas of France, beyond its original scope of Provence. This has led to its inclusion in official dictionaries, as well as the creation of books and media portrayals. Therefore, in other regions of France, it can have a much broader meaning. For example, it might be used to describe grown up women trying to look younger with unhealthy methods such as excessive makeup, girls who dye their hair blonde (like the "dumb blonde" stereotype), or simply a bimbo .

Cagole fashion doesn't differ much from the usual 2000s bimbo fashion. Hair is long, straightened and either of a natural colour or dyed blond. Tanned, hairless skin is the norm - it is often covered in thick foundation mismatching the wearer's carnation, giving it that infamous cakey look. Concerning makeup, blue or white eyeshadow is associated with a kohl liner, and lips are over-lined with a nude lip pencil. Jewelry is common: garish necklaces, ear hoops and philtrum piercings to name but a few items.

Clothing is revealing, with little cleavage coverage, low cuts and sometimes exposed underwear. Regular outfits frequently include the following: pencil skirts, skinny jeans, yoga pants, leopard fur patterns, tight dresses, tank tops, stiletto heels, fur boots.

Cagoles are known for being loud, promiscuous, and sometimes likely to argue or throw hands for reasons lacking common sense. They are mainly mocked by the major part of the French population, but some people still praise them for being carefree, strong women.Cani is a term used in Spain to describe a youth subculture that originated in the 1990s, primarily associated with working-class young men in the southern region of Andalusia. The aesthetic is defined by a specific style of sportswear, an affinity for gold jewelry, and a "bad boy" persona. The term itself is often considered a pejorative, classist slur used to stereotype and ridicule working-class youth, though it is sometimes used ironically or as a self-identifier.

The Cani subculture first emerged in the working-class neighborhoods of Andalusia in the 1990s. The classic 2000s Cani was heavily associated with a specific look and a taste for music like flamenco-pop and early reggaeton . This figure was often caricatured in Spanish media and humor, most famously in the viral YouTube video " Soy Cani " by Zorman, which cemented the stereotype in the public consciousness. While the term's exact origin is not known, it is thought to be derived from Karl Kani, a popular hip-hop brand.

By the 2020s, the aesthetic and its cultural context evolved into the MDLR trend. Popularized by the Spanish-Moroccan rapper Morad, "MDLR" (an acronym for the French Mec de la Rue , or "boy from the street") reflects the experiences of modern working-class and migrant youth in Spain's peripheral neighborhoods. While the look has changed, sociologists and cultural critics note a direct lineage from the Cani, framing the MDLR movement as a self-aware reclamation of a working-class identity that was previously mocked.

The Cani aesthetic is centered on brand-name sportswear and conspicuous accessories, often featuring counterfeit or bootleg items.

The "classic" Cani look of the 2000s included tracksuits, muscle shirts, and bootleg football team jerseys. Accessories were central, with a heavy emphasis on gold jewelry such as large chains and rings, as well as piercings in the eyebrow or lip. Baseball caps worn sideways or backward, often from brands like Nike, were also a key element.

The modern MDLR style has updated this uniform. While tracksuits remain a staple, the look now incorporates puffer jackets, balaclavas, and fanny packs worn across the chest. The brand consciousness continues, but with an updated set of preferred labels. The overall silhouette remains rooted in functional, comfortable streetwear.

There is a particular slang and lingo associated with the Choni and Cani subcultures. Cani slang is mainly derived from 1990s gangster films and traditional phrases of the southern dialects of European Spanish, including Andalusian, Murcian, and Canarian Spanish. Another prominent trait in the texting of both Canis and Chonis is writing in a disordered and exaggerated way, for example, " todo loco " (completely crazy) becomes " tOh LoKoh ".

The term "Cani" has been heavily criticized for being a classist and (sometimes) racially motivated slur used to demonize working-class youth. The stereotype associates the subculture with delinquency, aggression, and a lack of culture, tapping into long-standing prejudices against the working class and, in some cases, the Spanish Roma ( Caló ) community.

Sociologists have compared the phenomenon to the demonization of the " Chav " in the United Kingdom. The caricature of the Cani was used for years as a form of ridicule. However, the evolution into the self-proclaimed MDLR subculture is seen by many as a significant cultural shift. By adopting the "boy from the street" label, modern adherents are said to be reclaiming their identity, turning a previously mocked stereotype into a symbol of class pride and resilience. As sociologist Iago Moreno notes, "for the first time, it is the migrant working-class youth who are setting a cultural trend, having always been on the margins."Casuals are a football subculture characterized by the use of high-priced designer clothing and participation in hooliganism. This group is often referred to as "dressers" rather than "casuals," with regional terms like "perry boys," "trendies," and "scallies" also used. The subculture originated in the United Kingdom during the late 1970s. Young men attending football matches began wearing clothing from designer sportswear brands such as Burberry, Fred Perry, Sergio Tacchini, Lacoste, Fila, Lyle & Scott, and Ellesse. In the 1980s, Italian brands Stone Island and C.P. Company were also adopted.

In 1985, media attention focused on the Cambridge "Main Firm," a group of Cambridge football supporters involved in a violent attack. The Daily Mirror described the group as wearing clothing such as Pringle jumpers, denims, and training shoes. This attire was indicative of the "casual" style that had developed within British working-class youth culture. Regional variations existed, with corduroy flares in Manchester and baggy jumpers and sheepskin coats in Liverpool. The style emphasized smart and expensive clothing, with a shift from Fred Perry and Pringle to higher-end sportswear and designer brands.

The casuals' style shared similarities with the 1960s mods . The subculture's origins are generally placed in the British northwest during the late 1970s and early 1980s, with the "Perry boys" in Manchester and Salford and the "scallies" in Liverpool. The Perry boys, named after their early use of Fred Perry shirts, emerged in Manchester during the late 1970s and early 1980s. Their style included Fred Perry shirts, Peter Werth polo shirts, Lee cords, Lois jeans, and Adidas Stan Smith trainers. A "wedge" haircut was common. Music tastes were varied, with soul and synth-pop being popular.

In Liverpool, the scallies adopted a similar style, but by the late 1970s, they began to favor European sportswear. Liverpool FC's success in European football competitions led to fans bringing back clothing from brands such as Adidas, Lacoste, Sergio Tacchini, Fila, Ellesse, and Kappa. The Italian Paninari also influenced the style.

Films and television programs including ID , The Firm , The Football Factory , and Green Street have depicted casuals. The documentary Casuals: The Story of the Legendary Terrace Fashion examines the subculture's fashion from the late 1970s into the 1980s.

The casual subculture originated in the British northwest during the late 1970s and early 1980s, with the emergence of the "Perry Boys" in Manchester and Salford, and the "Scallies" in Liverpool. The Perry Boys, named for their early adoption of Fred Perry shirts, exhibited a "soulboy-mod" style, incorporating items such as Peter Werth polo shirts, Lee cords, Lois jeans, and Adidas Stan Smith trainers. Their aesthetic was influenced by Northern Soul and the mod revival.

In Liverpool, the Scallies developed a similar style, but by the late 1970s, they began to favor European sportswear. Liverpool FC's success in European football competitions led to fans bringing back clothing from brands such as Adidas, Lacoste, Sergio Tacchini, Fila, Ellesse, and Kappa, which were not readily available in the UK. This was also influenced by the Italian Paninari .

In 1985, the Cambridge "Main Firm" drew media attention after a violent attack. The Daily Mirror described their attire, including Pringle jumpers and training shoes, as indicative of the developing "casual" style. Regional variations existed, with corduroy flares in Manchester and baggy jumpers and sheepskin coats in Liverpool.

The subculture reached its peak in the late 1980s, marked by an emphasis on expensive designer brands like Burberry and Aquascutum. By this time, authorities were more aware of the casual style.

The casual subculture experienced a decline with the rise of Acid House and rave culture in the late 1980s. However, it resurfaced in the 1990s, coinciding with the Britpop era and events such as Euro 1996. During this period, brands like Stone Island, C.P. Company, Aquascutum, Paul & Shark, Armani, and Prada became prominent.

In the 2000s, films such as The Football Factory and The Firm contributed to a revival of the subculture. Brands like Weekend Offender and Marshall Artist emerged. The casual style persists, though its association with football hooliganism remains a point of contention.

The Casual subculture is defined by its emphasis on expensive designer clothing. This style moved away from traditional football fan attire, favoring sportswear and high-end fashion. Favored brands included Adidas, Sergio Tacchini, Stone Island, Burberry, Fred Perry, Lacoste, Fila, Ellesse, Kappa, Lyle & Scott, C.P. Company, Peter Werth, Lois Jeans, and Lee Cords.

Regional variations existed. In Manchester and Salford, the "Perry Boys" favored Fred Perry polo shirts, Peter Werth polo shirts, Lee cords, Lois jeans, and Adidas Stan Smith trainers. Liverpool's "Scallies" adopted European sportswear, influenced by Liverpool FC's European travels and the Italian Paninari. In London, the term "dressers" was used.

The adoption of continental European brands was driven by fans traveling to European football matches, bringing back items unavailable in the UK. This created a sense of exclusivity and status. The style was also influenced by the mod subculture’s emphasis on smart, competitive dressing.

By the mid-1980s, the casual look was characterized by smart, expensive clothing, with a shift towards high-end sportswear. Regional variations included corduroy flares in Manchester and baggy jumpers and sheepskin coats in Liverpool.

The late 1980s saw the rise of Acid House and rave culture, leading to a temporary shift in fashion. However, the casual style resurfaced in the 1990s with an emphasis on even more expensive brands like Stone Island, C.P. Company, Aquascutum, Paul & Shark, Armani, and Prada.

The 2000s saw a revival influenced by films like The Football Factory and The Firm , introducing brands like Weekend Offender and Marshall Artist. Despite changes in specific brands, the core of the casual style, emphasizing expensive and exclusive designer wear, remains.

The casual subculture is associated with football hooliganism. The adoption of designer clothing served multiple purposes, including evading police detection and establishing a sense of status and competition among rival football supporter groups, known as "firms." These firms, such as Leicester City's "Baby Squad" and West Ham's "ICF" (Inter City Firm), developed distinct identities, often based on their preferred clothing brands.

Rivalries between these firms were intense, leading to frequent confrontations both inside and outside football stadiums. The pursuit of rare and expensive designer clothing became a significant aspect of this rivalry, with "looking the part" becoming as important as physical confrontations. The attire of casuals, often described as "smartly dressed," was noted by the media in reports of football-related violence, as seen in the 1985 coverage of the Cambridge "Main Firm."

The use of expensive, non-traditional football attire was a deliberate choice to distinguish themselves from typical football hooligans, who traditionally wore more obvious markers of aggression. The casual style, therefore, became a tool for both identity formation and participation in football-related violence. The desire to own rare and expensive clothing created a sense of one-upmanship, both between rival firms and within individual firms. This competition extended beyond mere fashion, contributing to the dynamics of hooliganism.The Catholic Mexican Girl aesthetic, also known as Latina Fairy , is a fashion microtrend that originated in 2023 on TikTok. It blends the hyper-feminine elements of the Coquette aesthetic with a romanticized interpretation of traditional Mexican and Spanish colonial imagery. The trend is characterized by the use of religious iconography as fashion accessories, distinct hair braiding styles, and attire that references the "Old World" colonial era of the Americas, specifically the region historically known as New Spain.

The aesthetic gained popularity following high-fashion collections that utilized similar motifs, notably the Mirror Palais Collection III, which featured dresses inspired by Spanish colonial silhouettes, and the Dior Cruise 2024 collection, which drew heavy inspiration from Frida Kahlo and Oaxacan textiles. On social media, the trend involves users (often Latinas or those emulating the look) posing in solemn, quasi-religious settings such as cathedrals, candlelit altars, or colonial plazas.

The fashion associated with the Catholic Mexican Girl aesthetic relies heavily on a specific "virginal but not modest" presentation. The foundational garment is typically a white dress made of cotton, linen, or organza, often featuring ruffles, lace, or petticoats. These dresses frequently incorporate low waistlines or off-the-shoulder necklines that expose the midriff or collarbones, contrasting traditional modesty with allure.

Accessories are central to the look and serve as the primary link to the aesthetic's religious themes. Gold jewelry, particularly large crucifixes and cross necklaces, is ubiquitous. Rosaries are frequently worn around the neck as fashion statements rather than used for prayer, a practice that differentiates this aesthetic from traditional Catholic norms. Red accents are common, appearing as ribbons, shawls, or rose motifs to contrast against the stark white clothing.

Beauty trends within this aesthetic favor a specific historicized look. Hairstyles often feature double braids or straight hair adorned with ribbons or flowers. Makeup is generally natural but polished, aiming to replicate the solemn appearance of religious statues or the portraiture of figures like a young Frida Kahlo or actress Penélope Cruz. The photography style tends to be moody and blue-tinted, emphasizing a somber, repentant, or "saintly" atmosphere.

The Catholic Mexican Girl aesthetic has faced significant controversy from cultural critics and journalists who argue that it promotes a "whitewashed" and historically insensitive view of Mexican identity. By focusing on the aesthetics of the Spanish colonial era, the trend is accused of romanticizing a period where Indigenous peoples were subjugated. Los Angeles Times columnist Fidel Martinez described the trend as celebrating the "byproducts of Spanish colonialism," such as colonial architecture and Catholic aesthetics, while ignoring the violent history that established them. He further argued that the trend represents a form of "cosplay" where individuals want to adopt a specific, curated type of Mexican identity without engaging with the reality of the culture.

Journalists have also noted that the aesthetic often feels disconnected from modern Mexico. The Washington Post reporter Sofia Andrade observed that the trend romanticizes "purportedly 'Old World' colonial aesthetics," creating a fantasy version of the region that prioritizes Eurocentric features and wealth over the actual diversity of the Latin American population. This has led to accusations of colorism, as the trend is principally centered around light-skinned women and high-class colonial signifiers.

The use of religious items has also drawn criticism regarding appropriation and disrespect. In Technician Online, writers Rocky Berhe and Grace Turschak argued that the trend strips items like rosaries and veladoras (prayer candles) of their spiritual context, turning them into mere "decorations" or outfit accessories. They noted that wearing a rosary as a necklace is considered inherently disrespectful by many observant Catholics, distinguishing the trend's "aesthetic" use of the item from its intended religious function.

Furthermore, some critics have linked the popularity of this aesthetic to broader issues of gentrification. Martinez suggested a parallel between this fashion trend and the influx of Americans moving to Mexico City, framing the aesthetic adoption as a precursor to physical displacement.Cayetana is a term that has been recently used in Spain to describe a fashion trend characterized by simple and elegant clothing choices, typically associated with stylish young girls. This style is recognized by its natural appearance, which features minimal makeup, understated manicures, and loosely fitted basic pieces with a classic touch. The aesthetic rose to popularity on TikTok around 2021.

The term "cayetana" originated in Seville, where it was used to refer to the daughters of wealthy families. The personal name or surname "Cayetano" is traditionally common in these families, and is a popular name among famous bullfighters from Seville.

The masculine counterpart would be " Pijo ," which has been used as a slang term for a longer time. Its connotations are similar to Preppy in the United States or Sloanies in the United Kingdom. According to some, the trend already declined around 2024-2025, with major Spanish influencers no longer displaying the aesthetic as prominently, which some have perceived as a positive thing due to the style's association with classism and elitism.

The "Cayetana" aesthetic rose to popularity on TikTok around 2021, and it has become synonymous with specific wardrobe staples, including gold jewelry or colored beads, flared or loose-fitting pants, basic wardrobe pieces such as simple shirts and blouses, vests, striped sweaters, loafers or ballet flats, and cowboy boots. Regarding handbags, the style is known for designer bags, particularly from the brand Zadig & Voltaire, black Ray-Ban sunglasses, and minimalist jewelry. Popular sneaker choices include Converse, Veja, and Golden Goose brands.

The aesthetic also emphasizes adapting to different seasons, and it includes winter-specific garments such as wool coats, tweed pants, knit dresses, heeled boots, wool midi skirts, high-necked sweaters, pant suits, blazers, oversized sweaters, and leather leggings. The "Cayetana" look incorporates natural and light makeup. Clothing items are typically loose-fitting, such as palazzo or flared pants, or light blouses. The style favors delicate and minimalist jewelry in gold or colored beads and basic, comfortable, and elegant garments, such as blouses and shirts, vests, sweaters, and cowboy boots. The style also includes simple branded sports shoes.

The "Cayetana" style has drawn criticism, particularly concerning perceived classism. Some observers note that the subculture is often associated with young girls from upper-class backgrounds, which has led to discussions about potential socio-economic disparities. The "Cayetana" stereotype is often contrasted with the working-class "Jenny"/" Choni " stereotype on platforms like TikTok, which highlights these class divisions.

These contrasts are often presented through " baja un dedo si... " (put a finger down if...) videos, where "Cayetanas" are associated with attending private schools, supporting capitalism, holding right-wing political views, and displaying overt symbols of Spanish nationalism. Conversely, "Jennys" are stereotyped based on their appearance, musical tastes, and perceived "lower-class" behaviors. This juxtaposition not only emphasizes socio-economic differences, but also implies a value judgment, where "Cayetana" traits are presented as desirable while the "Jenny" working-class traits are mocked and dismissed. This can be compared to the controversy surrounding the use of terms like " Chav " in England.

Moreover, there have been anecdotal reports of "Cayetanas" engaging in critical commentary on the fashion choices of others, specifically those who adhere to alternative aesthetics, such as Alt TikTok styles or cosplay. This has resulted in counter-criticism from those within these alternative subcultures, who have raised concerns about unsolicited photography and perceived judgmental behavior in real-life contexts.

Additionally, some critics suggest that individuals within the "Cayetana" subculture frequently express conservative or right-wing political views, which has also contributed to social tensions. This is often exemplified by the wearing of Spanish flag bracelets, which carry strong right-wing political connotations within Spanish society.

Specifically, other displays of overt Spanish nationalism, such as dancing to the Spanish national anthem while wearing Spanish flags, have become associated with "Cayetana" videos on TikTok, and these displays are often interpreted as expressions of right-wing ideology. Furthermore, the subculture has been observed to engage in online challenges that reinforce class-based stereotypes, such as the "#tagdelcayetano" challenge, which reinforces associations with private schools, specific brands, and conservative interests like bullfighting , a practice largely supported by upper-class families and facing dwindling public support in Spain overall.Chav is a pejorative slang term that became widespread in the United Kingdom in the late 1990s and early 2000s to describe a stereotype of a white, working-class youth. The term is associated with a specific aesthetic and a perceived set of behaviors, often relating to anti-social conduct.

The visual style linked to the stereotype is rooted in sportswear and consumer culture of the era, characterized by items such as tracksuits, puffer jackets, baseball caps, and trainers from brands like Nike and Adidas. Other key elements included an aspirational adoption of luxury brands, most famously the Burberry check pattern (often in counterfeit form), and bold jewelry like large gold hoop earrings and chains. While the term is sometimes used to describe a genuine youth subculture , it is widely recognized and criticized as a classist slur used to mock and denigrate working-class people.

The aesthetic associated with the "Chav" stereotype is defined by its emphasis on branded sportswear and an aspirational adoption of luxury fashion. The core wardrobe typically consists of full tracksuits, puffer jackets, and trainers from brands like Nike, Adidas, and Reebok. A key feature of the style was the prominent use of designer patterns, most famously the Burberry check, which was often worn in the form of baseball caps and scarves, though its prevalence was largely through the counterfeit market. The look is accessorized with bold, often gold-plated, jewelry such as large hoop earrings for women ("chavettes") and heavy chain necklaces for men. Associated grooming styles include specific haircuts, the use of artificial tanning products, and a distinct makeup application featuring heavy foundation, dramatically defined eyebrows, and thick mascara or false eyelashes.

The "Chav" stereotype is associated with various regional accents and dialects, most notably Multicultural London English (MLE), an urban dialect which has spread significantly beyond London. The lexicon linked to this stereotype incorporates a wide range of slang, much of which is drawn from MLE and has Jamaican Patois influences. The name itself is thought to derive from an Angloromani word meaning “young man”.

Examples of phrases associated with the stereotype include:

The social phenomenon and aesthetic associated with the "Chav" stereotype is not exclusive to the United Kingdom and can be understood as part of a wider international trend where working-class youth subcultures are often defined by a pejorative term . Many countries have their own culturally specific equivalents to describe similar groups, who are typically characterized by their distinctive street fashion, mannerisms, and social standing. While the specific styles and cultural contexts vary, these counterparts often share common elements, such as a preference for sportswear, specific brands, and a perceived rebellious or anti-establishment attitude. Examples from around the world include the Gopnik in Russia, the Dresiarz in Poland, the Eshay in Australia, the Ned in Scotland, the Flaite in Chile, the Choni/Cani in Spain, the Racaille in France, and the Zef in South Africa. The existence of these parallel terms shows a common societal tendency to create archetypes for working-class or marginalized youth approximately in the 1990s and early 2000s.

While no specific genre is formally known as "Chav music," the stereotype is strongly associated with particular styles of British electronic and rap music that rose to prominence in the late 1990s and 2000s. The sound is primarily rooted in genres like UK Garage , Grime, and Bassline. Artists and collectives whose music was central to the scene during its peak include Dizzee Rascal, So Solid Crew, The Streets, and N-Dubz. In more recent years, the aesthetic has been linked to the UK Drill and rap scenes, with artists like Central Cee and D-Block Europe being contemporary examples whose style and music share some elements with the earlier stereotype.Chic Modernist is a type of chic style that combines both the chic style with modern-day designs and styles. In the design world, chic means elegant , fashionable and trendy. Although the word has French origins, chic can be used to describe practically any style with a casual, understated look that is still hip, fresh, updated and modern. Chic can also be something unique, out of the ordinary or one-of-a-kind, such as a vintage item updated with modern colours and patterns. The style aims to reuse timeless pieces in a modern way.

Chic Modernist styles are very similar to high fashion and French themes, similar to French It Girl , but are not strictly reliant on either. It is open to interpretation, but remains stylish and elegant. This may also refer to room styles.

Chic Modernist fashion may also be referred to as "smart casual", meaning not super dressy but still looking nice and presentable. This can include pairing jeans with a blazer or heels, or a long skirt with a t-shirt. Often times clothing items remain solid colors rather than use patterns, otherwise, patterns are used very sparingly.

Feminine fashion may include:

Masculine fashion may include:Lowriders are a community of Mexican-American people from LA who are centered around a type of customized car that contain pinstripes, murals and customized wheels, which are primarily Dayton wire wheels.

The 1950s were a prosperous time for lowriders as automakers were making cars that fit the scene but this culture slowly took a dive until the 1980s.

As lowriders re-gained popularity in the 1980s, it was the forefront of hip hop music videos and aesthetics. But because of gangster rappers and gang members abusing lowriders as a status, civilian lowrider owners often got pulled over and harassed by cops. This led into another dip in the 2000s and 2010s.

Lowrider culture took a dip in the 2010s as the popularity died down once again. But during the early 2020s, lowriders have had a major comeback due the COVID-19 pandemic. Lowriders became more accepted in suburbs as cruising laws in California were lifted in 2022.

DUB Magazine is an urban automobile magazine that was popular in the 2000s. DUB was heavily inspired by lowriders and donks as people started customizing their cars and trucks with big rims, underglow and spotty chrome.Chicha is both a musical genre , also known as Andean Tropical Cumbia ( Cumbia Tropical Andina ), and a contemporary art movement that developed in Peru. The music originated in the mid-1970s, drawing from Huayno, psychedelic rock , and the coastal Peruvian Cumbia Guarachera, and is characterized by the prominent use of electric guitars.

This musical form emerged alongside the migration of people from the Andean regions to coastal cities, particularly Lima, and gained widespread popularity in the 1980s. The Chicha art movement, which also became prominent in the 1980s, is closely linked to this music, primarily manifesting in flyers and street art. It incorporates indigenous Peruvian and Andean cultural elements alongside influences from Pop Art and psychedelic art.

Expanding beyond its initial connection to music promotion, Chicha art has become an influential artistic expression in Peru, sometimes likened to the Baroque style, and has been used to address socio-political themes such as Indigenous rights and gender inequality, similar to the role of art in the Hippie subculture.

The development of Chicha as both a musical genre and an art movement began in Peru in the mid to late 1960s. The subgenre of Cumbia emerged in Lima following significant waves of migration from the Andean provinces. This migration brought Andean cultural elements to the urban coast, and Chicha music became a way to express the experiences and challenges faced by these migrant workers. Musically, Chicha fused the tropical rhythms of Cumbia with traditional Andean Huayno sounds, and also incorporated influences from international genres such as surf rock, psychedelic rock, salsa, and even techno. The electric guitar became a prominent instrument in this new sound, which some considered Peru's version of rock and roll.

The term "Chicha" itself is linked to a traditional Andean maize beverage and gained further recognition after the success of the song " La Chichera ." The 1970s saw Chicha music establish itself as the music of the working class, migrants, and the urban periphery, with many bands blending Huayno melodies and vocals with Cumbia rhythms. During the military government of Velasco (1968-1975), restrictions on Anglo/American pop and rock contributed to the rise in popularity of Peruvian psychedelic Cumbia, including Chicha.

In the 1980s, Chicha became an anthem for migrants, especially second-generation migrants who found in its sound and lyrics a way to express their identity. Figures like Chacalón, known as " El Faraón de la Chicha ," influenced the genre with his performances and poignant lyrics, popularizing Chicha in Peru. By the early 1990s, Chicha reached its peak popularity, and the Peruvian Ministry of Culture later recognized it as a valid art form.

Concurrently with the rise of Chicha music, a distinct visual art style emerged, utilizing the bright, fluorescent colors traditionally found in indigenous Andean textiles. Initially used in concert posters and flyers, "Chicha art" served as a visual counterpart to the music, capturing its essence with vibrant colors and bold typography. Groups like Los Shapis are credited with influencing this visual style through their brightly colored stage attire inspired by the embroidery of their native Huancayo. Street artists began collaborating with bands to create posters that reflected their style, using neon colors and large lettering. This art form, beginning as concert promotion, evolved into murals and other forms of public art, and have become a popular cultural expression in Peru, often seen on walls of various establishments and even in fashion.

The visual style of Chicha art, a kitsch aesthetic originating in Peru in the 1980s, is characterized by the use of fluorescent colors and contrasting tones, often against black backgrounds. This was intended to make the artwork stand out in the crowded and dimly lit urban environments of marginalized neighborhoods in cities like Lima. The color palette employed in Chicha art corresponds to those traditionally used in Andean cultures, such as the Huanca nation, and is seen in the decorations of traditional dance costumes.

The typography, or lettering, is typically sinuous, a style associated with the psychedelic movement of the 1960s. Other notable visual characteristics include horror vacui (fear of empty space) and the use of advertising phrases that blend poetic elements with Peruvian slang and colloquialisms. These posters are typically created by hand using a serigraphic mesh technique.

Initially considered a low art form and viewed with racism as part of a " huachafa " (pretentious or inelegant) culture by some non-Indigenous Peruvians, Chicha art has been reevaluated by new generations, the children of migrants forming a new middle class. This has led to a renewed appreciation for " cholo " (Peruvian of Indigenous or mixed ancestry) and Chicha culture, evident in the success of graphic artists like Monky, Elliot Tupac, and Yefferson Huamán, as well as art collectives.

Chicha art is also utilized as a form of social protest in murals and posters for various causes, including the defense of the Peruvian Amazon, opposition to femicides, and support for the LGBT+ community. The influence of Chicha art has even extended to areas with Peruvian immigrant populations, such as Chile.

Chicha, also known as Andean Tropical Cumbia, is a Peruvian musical genre that originated in the mid-1970s. Its musical origins are rooted in the fusion of Peruvian Cumbia, Huayno, and psychedelic rock. A defining characteristic of Chicha music is the prominent use of electric guitars. Chicha is distinguished as a subgenre of Cumbia due to its hybridization with Peruvian rock. The genre commonly employs pentatonic scales in a 4/4 time signature and incorporates rhythmic patterns from other genres, including Guaracha, Mambo, Salsa, and rock music. The typical instrumentation of Chicha music includes electric guitar, electric bass, timbales, congas, drums, and organ.Cholos are a subculture originating from the Chicano youth (Mexican-American diaspora) in California. It evolved from and was heavily influenced by the Pachuco culture of the 1930s to 1950s. Female Cholos are referred to as Cholas, and old Cholos are referred to as Veteranos/as.

The word "Cholo" is said to be derived from the Aztec God, Xolotl (pronounced "cholotl"). Xolotl had the head of a dog. After the Spanish conquered the Aztecs, xolo (dog) became a slightly derogatory term for those of mixed Spanish and native heritage.

Much of the roots and background of the Cholo culture came from the Pachuco culture. The Pachuco culture was created during the mid to late 30s and quickly became popular with Chicano youth throughout California and Texas. It was often used to symbolize rebellion, anti-assimilation, and rejection of Anglo-American culture.

During the 1960s, the Cholo culture started to emerge. It originated from the historical barrios of East Los Angeles and quickly became popular with the Latino youth of the area, and eventually started spreading throughout California. The style also became popular with Mexican-American youth in other parts of the U.S, most notably Southern and Southwestern Texas and Chicago. However, the culture started to become heavily associated with  criminal activity since then due to it becoming heavily popular with Latino gangmembers throughout the Southwest. By the late 1970s and early 1980s, "cholo" was very commonly used to refer to gangmembers of Mexican and Central American background overall (and still heavily is to this day).

Since then, the Cholo style is heavily used as a way to assert pride of cultural background among urban Chicano youth and is still shown as being a symbol of anti-assimilation. However, it is mainly worn by gangmembers and has been since the late 70s. The style also spreaded to border regions of Mexico, most notably in Baja California and Sonora. In addition, the Cholo culture heavily influenced the West Coast Hip Hop culture of the late 1980s to mid 1990s and the Black gang culture of California overall, most notably with the fashion aspects.

As mentioned earlier, the Cholo culture owes a lot of its roots the Pachuco culture. The most popular form of fashion among the Pachuco community were zoot suits (which were popular with Black, Italian, Filipino, and Japanese-Americans as well). These suits would consist of high-waisted creased baggy pants, a outer layer coat (usually with large shoulder pads underneath), dress shoes, a fedora or Panama hat, a long tie, and pocket chain. The pachuco fashion would eventually heavily influence the fashion of the cholo style.

A typical Cholo outfit usually contains sneakers, knee socks, creased loose-fitted khakis or jeans, oversized t-shirts, and flannels. Khaki work shirts, polos, hoodies, and sweatpants are commonly worn by Cholos as well. In addition, Vegas Raiders, Dallas Cowboys, Los Angeles Dodgers, and Chicago White Sox merchandise is popular with the community.

Nike Cortez, Chuck Taylors, Air Jordans, and Air Force 1s are the most common footwear among Cholos. Adidas Superstars, Vans, Puma Suedes, white Fila or Reebok sneakers, and black slippers are popular as well. Though Oxford and Derby/Brogue shoes used to be worn often up until the early 1990s.

Traditionally, combed-back hair was popular with the Pachuco and Cholo culture. However, buzzcuts and shaved heads became common during the mid 1980s. Pony tails are often sported as well. Bandanas or hair nets are worn to keep hair in place. Beanies and Baseball caps are the most often-used headwear. Fedora and Panama hats used to be common back then, though they are nowadays worn by Veteranos.

R&B music from the 1960s and 70s has traditionally been popular with Cholos. 70s/80s Funk music is popular as well, such as Parliament-Funkadelic, Zapp, and Kool & the Gang. Norteño, Ranchera, and Cumbia is commonly listened to as well. In addition, West Coast gangster is widespread with the Cholo community, with such artist including Eazy-E, Ice Cube, DJ Quik, and Cypress Hill.Cholombianos (also known as Kolombia ) are an urban subculture that emerged in the disadvantaged neighborhoods of Monterrey, Nuevo León, Mexico, during the late 1990s. The name itself is a hybridization, combining the influence of the Mexican-American Cholo lifestyle with the culture of Colombian migration.

They are sometimes referred to as Punks Tropicalizados (Tropicalized Punks) due to their anti-establishment appearance and highly personalized, DIY aesthetic. The entire subculture is unified by its deep passion for and distinct style of dancing to Cumbia music, particularly the locally popular subgenre, Cumbia Rebajada.

The emergence of the Cholombiano aesthetic is rooted in unique socio-cultural and musical developments in Monterrey starting in the late 20th century.

Monterrey, a major industrial city in northern Mexico, experienced a wave of Colombian migration starting in the late 1960s, driven largely by people seeking refuge from political and drug-related insecurity in their home country. These migrants brought with them their musical heritage, including Cumbia, Vallenato, and Porro, which quickly became famous among the popular classes of Monterrey. Simultaneously, social groups in the city were adopting the aesthetic and organizational forms of the Cholo lifestyle, which originated in the United States and spread through transculturation and deportation. The synthesis of this Colombian musical passion and the Cholo style of dressing and street organization gave birth to the Cholombiano identity.

A defining cultural element of the Cholombianos is their devotion to Cumbia Rebajada (literally "lowered cumbia"), a musical subgenre unique to Monterrey. This style of slowed-down music is said to have originated accidentally when a local sonidero (DJ) had a playback machine malfunction, causing the cumbia records to play at a slower speed. This resulted in a "lower, more watery" rhythm that was instantly popular, cultivating a slower, more deliberate style of dancing. This unique musical preference formed the primary social element of the subculture, centered around public dances and sonidero parties.

Despite their generally non-violent and peace-loving temperament (often described as mellow, much like their slowed-down music) the Cholombianos became a subculture politicized by external forces.

With the advent of the war against drug trafficking in the 2000s, Monterrey experienced a sharp increase in cartel-related violence. Due solely to their distinctive, eye-catching appearance, Cholombianos were unfairly targeted and increasingly harassed by the police, who often associated the radical fashion with gang members or criminals. This repression, which included arbitrary detentions and forced cutting of the patilludo hairstyle, led to the subculture gradually disappearing by the early 2010s, as participation became too risky.

The subculture has since garnered archival interest, with their unique style recognized internationally as an essential documentation of an ephemeral, highly creative urban youth movement. Their story was recently addressed in the 2019 Netflix film, I'm No Longer Here ( Ya no estoy aquí ).

The Cholombiano aesthetic is an extreme exercise in personalization and maximalism, characterized by a dramatic sculptural hairstyle and an eclectic fusion of oversized garments, religious symbolism, and bright colors. The entire clothing aesthetic is a highly customized blend of influences, often featuring pieces handmade by family members due to limited resources, emphasizing the personal and DIY nature of the style.

The most unique and recognizable feature of the subculture is the elaborate hairstyle known as the Patilludo , a term referencing the long sideburns. This hairstyle, typically sported by young men, is held together with large amounts of gel. The style generally features hair on the sides of the head that is shaved, while long, thick sideburns remain and are meticulously slicked down, often framing the face. A rectangular patch of the nape, or back of the neck, is frequently shaved, leaving a floating tuft of hair below that is sometimes styled into a rat's tail. The fringe is often parted dramatically into slicked-down spikes.

To complete the look, the hair is often topped with a hat that is intentionally too small, causing it to appear perpetually perched or levitating. This complex hairstyle is cited as a combination of influences drawn from American hip-hop , Puerto Rican reggaeton , and old Aztec representations.

The aesthetic emphasizes oversized garments, a style locally referred to as tumbadilla , following the influence of hip-hop fashion. Common pieces include oversized shirts, shorts, or Dickies brand pants, along with distinctively bright and giant plaid and Hawaiian button-ups—the latter popularized by local cumbia exponents like Celso Piña.

Outfits are heavily adorned with Mexican religious iconography. T-shirts and hoodies frequently feature prominent images of the Virgin of Guadalupe and San Judas Tadeo, often airbrushed with graffiti-style text. The aesthetic also incorporates colors from the Colombian flag (yellow, blue, and red) as common visual motifs. The most distinctive accessory is the large, hand-woven escapulario (scapular or necklace). These necklaces are often emblazoned with the wearer's name, neighborhood, or favorite radio station, serving the functional purpose of announcing their identity to sonideros so they could be greeted during public dances.Chonga is a term primarily used in Miami and South Florida to describe a subculture of young women, particularly of a Cuban or Hispanic background, that stereotypically behave like "gangsters," exhibiting sassiness and traits associated with the sexual liberation movement. Though this word is often used pejoratively, there are many women in Florida that reclaim the word and proudly identify with it, especially in the context of empowering working-class women.

The term " chonga " is thought to be derived from " chusma ," which is a derogatory term in South America describing rude or vulgar people. Chonga was later used as a derogatory term towards women who rejected misogynistic fashion standards and exhibited traits stereotypically associated with "prostitution."

The Chonga subculture originated in the working-class Cuban-American communities of South Florida, particularly in Miami, Hialeah, and Little Havana. The exact etymology of the word remains unclear, but it shares roots with other Spanish words such as " chola " (Mexican-American youth subculture in California), " chusma " (referring to annoying people), " chocha " (slang word for female genitalia), and " choni " (similar subculture from Southern Spain). Most of these terms carry connotations related to gender, social class, and non-dominant cultures in a specific region. Some scholars suggest that the term was initially used by "elite" Cuban-Americans to distance themselves from those they perceive as marginalized, especially Afro-Cubans and African Americans, especially Chongas' association with hip-hop culture.

Scholar Jillian Hernandez, in her book Aesthetics of Excess: The Art and Politics of Black and Latina Embodiment , argues that Chongas challenged the pressure to assimilate to white American norms by embracing a new style of hair, nails, and makeup styles that celebrated their Latina identities as opposed to rejecting it, thus making "class burn."

It was initially viewed as "tacky" or "exotic" by older generations within the Hispanic community in the United States who valued a more "respectable" image. However, Chongas were often popular and influential among their peers. In 2007, the Chonga subculture went viral on social media when Miami teenagers Mimi Davila and Laura Di Lorenzo uploaded their " Chongalicious " video to YouTube. This parody of Fergie's " Fergilicious " also launched the girls' entertainment careers as "The Chonga Girls." The video quickly spread through MySpace, where clips were uploaded by teenagers. People sang the song in public, and some even set it as their ringtone.

The resurgence of Y2K / McBling fashion in recent years has led to a appreciation of the style.

Chongas wear combinations of tight and loose clothing, especially in bright colors. For example, oversized men's t-shirts are often worn with tight white pants and a visible thong. Makeup is typically applied heavily (thick eyeliner, dark lip liner, and eyeshadow). One of the most iconic accessories are large gold hoop earrings (sometimes engraved with names), which tend to be so large they could be "bracelets." Diamond stud earrings, gold bangle bracelets, and hair styled with gel are also really common. Footwear can vary but it is usually athletic or casual (including chancletas ), black ankle boots, or Chinese beaded slippers with ankle socks. Gold jewelry (chains, bracelets, rings) is frequently worn.

Chongas are first and foremost known for their confidence and rejecting traditional gender norms. They are outspoken and assertive, not afraid to stand out and be themselves. Some might see them as loud or arrogant, but they are simply owning their style and expressing their cultural identity. Being a Chonga is about being proud of who you are and not letting anyone tell you how to act or look or falling into the pressure of cultural assimilation. They often speak Spanglish, the non-standard combination of English and Spanish, which is common in South Florida's Hispanic communities. Though Chongas were historically stereotyped and viewed negatively, it is being reclaimed by young Latinas as a symbol of empowerment and cultural pride.

Chongas often speak in a mix of poorly imitated AAVE (African-American Vernacular English) and a strong Caribbean Spanish accent, frequently code-switching or using Spanglish. They also have a distinctive way of writing, with misspellings, symbol substitutions (like backward F's, double I's, and 3 for E), and slang. This can be seen in graffiti, MySpace profiles, and on social media.

Chongas primarily listen to reggaetón, hip-hop , R&B, and rap.Choni is a pejorative term that describes a subculture that originated in Spain during the 1990s. The term is often used as a derogatory label for young, working-class women from urban areas, particularly those referred to as " de barrio " (from the neighborhood), a phrase implying a specific social and geographic background. The subculture is characterized by a distinctive aesthetic and is stereotypically associated with a lack of formal education, aggressive behavior, and a perceived "tacky" fashion sense. The term's masculine counterpart is Cani .

The word " choni " is thought to be a colloquial, feminized form of the English name "Johnny," which was historically used as a derogatory term for working-class individuals in the Canary Islands. A more recent Spanish style that evolved from the Choni subculture and reclaims its asssociated stereotypes is Raxet , which is often represented by female Spanish trap singers like La Zowi and Bad Gyal.

The term "choni" emerged in Spain to describe a subculture primarily associated with young women from lower socioeconomic backgrounds. While the exact origins are unclear, it is believed to have originated in the late 20th or early 21st century, gaining prominence in the 2000s. This subculture is characterized by distinctive fashion choices, including bright colors, tight-fitting clothing, and flashy accessories, often purchased from affordable stores like Bershka and Stradivarius. Chonis are also associated with specific hairstyles, makeup, and a particular way of speaking, often involving slang and dropping the letter "s."

The choni subculture has been parodied and represented in various media, including television shows like " Aída " and films like " Yo soy la Juani ," which have contributed to its visibility and recognition. While some view the choni subculture as a form of self-expression, others criticize its perceived lack of sophistication and its association with lower socioeconomic classes. Many advocate for the term "choni" to be removed from everyday language due to its negative stereotypes and its role in reinforcing class-based discrimination.

Choni fashion generally tends to be a flamboyant style characterized by a combination of revealing and tight-fitting clothing, clashing patterns, and bold accessories. The aesthetic often incorporates elements that are perceived as "cheap" or flashy. Common garments include short clothing, such as mini shorts and mini skirts, as well as tight-fitting dresses. A frequent feature is the use of inexpensive prints, including animal patterns like leopard print, along with metallic or fluorescent colors. Tracksuits are also a staple of the style.

Accessories perceived to be associated with the stereotype include fanny packs and oversized jewelry, such as large hoop earrings, necklaces, and sunglasses, are prominent. Footwear often consists of sneakers and boots. The aesthetic is further defined by beauty choices, including long nails, monroe and eyebrow piercings, lower-back tattoos, and (less frequently) exaggerated fake tanning.

The Choni subculture is stereotypically associated with a particular slang and manner of speaking. This includes phonetic alterations of standard Spanish words, such as saying " cocreta " instead of " croqueta " (croquette) or " almóndigas " instead of " albóndigas " (meatballs). This speech pattern is often satirized, but is a recognized element of the stereotype. Another trait of the "Choni" language is the use of a definite article before a person's name, for example, " la Vane " or " la Mari ". In texting, this slang is often exaggerated through unconventional spelling and capitalization, such as writing " tOh LoKoh " to express " todo loco " (completely crazy).

The Choni stereotype is heavily criticized in Spain for its classist origins and the negative portrayals it reinforces. The term is often used to stigmatize young, working-class women from urban neighborhoods, depicting them as uneducated, materialistic, and promiscuous. This portrayal demonizes the working class and perpetuates harmful social divisions.

The term's evolution is a point of debate. Originally, the word " hortera " (meaning tacky or gaudy) was used in a similar context. However, the use of " choni " has evolved to become a more pointed social marker. The label is often seen as a way for some to position themselves as superior to the working class. Critics note that while many elements of the Choni aesthetic, such as hoop earrings or leopard print, are not inherently negative, the term itself is used to judge and mock women's fashion choices, discouraging personal style and self-expression.

This classist double standard is highlighted by the fact that the negative connotations associated with " choni " are stronger than those associated with " pija " (the Spanish equivalent of a posh/ preppy person), as the working class is more socially stigmatized. The case of Naiara, a winner of the show Operación Triunfo , is a key example of this. Despite adopting elements of the aesthetic, her talent and charisma challenged the stereotype, proving that these stylistic choices do not define a person's worth or talent. Due to its harmful impact, there has been a growing call to remove the word " choni " from everyday language.Classic Lolita is a substyle of Lolita fashion that is very inspired by historic fashion and is characterized by Victorian elegance and class.

The silhouette of Classic Lolita (more often than other styles), features an A-line skirt, with skirts usually being longer than what you would expect to see in other Lolita coordinates. Tea length skirts (skirts that come to the mid calf) are extremely common, with underskirts (a slip-like skirt with a lace ruffle at the very bottom) can be used to make a knee-length dress go to tea length.

Coordinates often include heirloom details such as pintrucks and ruffles.

Unlike other Lolita styles, flat shoes are very uncommon. In Classic Lolita, higher heeled shoes with straps as well as Victorian style boots are favored instead. 
The hair in Classic Lolita is kept natural in various shades of blonde, brown, and black. The hair can be styled in any way the person prefers. There are some who curl their hair, but it isn't very extreme. Makeup is preferred to be kept natural-looking as to appear mature.

In Classic Lolita, common themes are solid colors and stripes. Equally common are prints featuring crowns, fleur de lis, crests, antiques, architecture and duplications of old paintings.Cocalar (plurally Cocalari ) is a slang term used in Romania to describe a subculture of adult men who stereotypically wear kitsch clothing, have a "poor" or "ridiculous" taste in fashion, participate in BMW car culture, wear lots of gold, jewels or glitter and have multiple tattoos, among other stereotypes. The Cocalari tend to express themselves through a loud and outstanding appareance rather than their personality or actions. The signature musical genre associated with this subculture is Manele. The feminine equivalent of a Cocalar is a Pițipoancă .

The term Cocalar or Cocalari tends to be used pejoratively, although regardless, some people in Romania proudly identify with it. The Romanian word cocalar is derived from the Romani word kòkalo , hence why this aesthetic is sometimes associated with the Roma minority. Nowadays the term Cocalar is being phased out in popularity and as Romanian society shifts the modern equivalent is a Bombardier ; another similiar phenomenom emerging in the late 2010s.

Cocalar outfits often use the following elements:

Some activities associated with the Cocalar subculture include:

The subculture is associated with Manele, a rhythmic hybrid of traditional Balkan folk, Romani music, and modern electronic pop. The genre's production is technically defined by the use of synthesizers, accordion leads, and a high-tempo 2/4 beat. Manele videos frequently feature the visual motifs of the subculture, such as luxury vehicles and displays of physical currency.Colorido (Portuguese for "colorful") was a Brazilian youth subculture that flourished around 2010, centered on the pop-rock music genre known as Happy Rock . The movement, pioneered by the band Restart, emerged as a deliberate, more optimistic alternative to the darker and more melancholic themes of the preceding emo scene.

The aesthetic is defined by its androgynous and extremely vibrant fashion, with the most iconic garment being brightly colored skinny jeans in shades of red, yellow, green, and blue, often with each band member wearing a different color. This was paired with customized t-shirts, statement sunglasses, and a signature hairstyle featuring long, straight, and often colorful dyed bangs. The subculture was heavily promoted through Brazilian teen media, such as MTV Brasil and Capricho magazine, and became a massive, though short-lived, phenomenon among adolescents in the country.

The visual aspects of happy rock include elements associated with youth culture, such as the look of notebooks from Tilibra (a famous Brazilian brand of school supplies) in the 2000s, which can be seen on the debut album of the girl band Lipstick (considered precursors to phenomenon), as well as textures of notebook pages and sketches, commonly portrayed by Capricho magazine during this period and MTV Brasil vignettes, with influences from Hipness Purgatory and Vectordelia . At first, neutral colors such as black and white predominated, until the bands that would shape the movement began with an "explosion of colors" that encompassed various shades of vibrant colors.

Happy rock fashion encompasses clothing and accessories with:

Happy rock began at the end of the 2000s (more precisely in 2009), when pop-rock and power pop artists such as Restart, Cine, Hori and Replace began to emerge in the media, gaining many young fans and visibility on MTV Brasil.

With their popularity on the rise, many of these young people joined the movement that would become known as Coloridos ("Colorful(s)" in Portuguese), which in turn was popularized and consolidated in Brazil by the band Restart. This style emerged as a counterpoint to the previous subculture of the time, emo , which prevailed in the country between 2005 and 2008 and was inspired by scene bands such as All Time Low, BrokeNCYDE, Boys Like Girls, Forever the Sickest Kids and Danger Radio. However, despite the positive fame that the new style had, happy rock was harshly criticized by some Brazilian rock artists for its exaggerated look and which for many did not match rock due to its lyrics with very optimistic themes, so much so that many of them did not considered it to be part of the genre, but "pop boy bands with guitars".

Happy rock reached its decline between 2011 and 2012 when Restart began to saturate the media with the sale of various products and an increasingly exaggerated look of the style's previous proposal. This was seen as something very commercial rather than musical and the large popularity of Restart caused many rock artists and bands who were on the rise to be increasingly overshadowed by them. Another reason that brought happy rock to an end were also the prejudiced speeches made by Thomas D'Ávila (Restart drummer) regarding the Amazonas, in which he stated that there was no exists civilization in the state. This was enough for the band's image to be tarnished and for many artists to stop sharing stages with them.

Happy rock music varies between pop rock , teen pop , power pop and neon pop punk , with lyrics and themes that express the joy and feelings of adolescence such as friendship, love and fun.Corporate is an aesthetic that relates to business attire that refers to the clothing that employees wear to work. Depending on the workplace, various levels of the formality of business attire are expected, and the norm. The dress codes range from traditional and formal to smart casual, business casual, and casual.

The Corporate aesthetic often avoids exaggerated outfits and bright colors, resorting to more monotonous and grey-tone colors that add to the sleekness and sterility of office buildings.

Many people nowadays use Corporate attire for aesthetic purposes. It is now used for day-to-day streetwear by some people who have a preference for professionalism and maturity. Since people in general usually own formal wardrobe, this aesthetic is inclusive for everyone and therefore it has no certain community or specific names for this kind of streetwear.

This attire also serves for an entertainment purpose, such as cosplaying. From the western movie Reservoir Dogs (1992) to Japanese manga Chainsaw Man (since 2018), people are no longer limited to using Corporate wear for work.

A lot of corporate music is easy-listening, kinda jazzy, and instrumental.  A lot of Corporate-sounding music has been sampled to make a lot of Vaporwave music which, ironically, can also be part of the Corporate musical sound once more.Cumbieros are a youth subculture primarily originating in Argentina in the late 1990s, characterized by their consumption and adherence to cumbia villera , a subgenre of cumbia music. The term "cumbiero" itself is derived from the music genre, though it often carries class-based connotations. The subculture is concentrated among youth from lower- and middle-class backgrounds, particularly those residing in the villas de emergencia (informal settlements or shantytowns) of the Greater Buenos Aires area. It is characterized by a distinctive urban aesthetic, a strong sense of group loyalty, and an identity rooted in street credibility and local pride. The Cumbiero subculture later spread to other Latin American countries, including Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia, and Chile.

The Cumbiero subculture emerged alongside the rise of Cumbia Villera in Argentina around 1999, a period marked by significant economic decline, social inequality, and a growth in urban marginality.

Cumbia Villera was pioneered by musician Pablo Lescano (founder of Flor de Piedra and Damas Gratis), who adapted the lyrical style of Rock Cabeza or Punk Rock —known for its direct, vulgar language and focus on social issues like drugs, delinquency, and police hostility—and applied it to the Cumbia genre. The music, which utilized synthesizers, electric drums, and the distinctive keytar, became an explicit vehicle for expressing the everyday struggles and frustrations of the marginalized youth who felt excluded by the broader institutional culture.

The term villera (slum-dweller) is often used pejoratively by other social classes but was appropriated by the subculture as a badge of honor and group distinction. The Cumbieros found visibility through unauthorized radio broadcasts, local bailantas (dance halls), and eventually mainstream media, which often sensationalized the movement. While initial growth was rapid, the movement later faced official censorship and pressure from managers to soften its explicit lyrical themes. Nonetheless, the Cumbiero identity and its musical core continued to be a significant cultural force in working-class communities throughout the 2000s.

The subculture's aesthetic is an assertion of identity that combines street-level defiance with a specific curated display of stylized sportswear and hair modifications. The style is not strictly anti-consumerist but rather appropriates high-value, recognizable brands to signal status and belonging, often worn in a defiant manner.

Cumbiero fashion is rooted in sportswear and loose-fitting clothing, which shifted over time:

Hair is a defining feature of the Cumbiero aesthetic, with distinct styles for both men and women:

The Cumbiero subculture is characterized by a shared worldview of resistance and identity politics rooted in class and locale.

Adherents display an explicit pride in their origins ( villero identity), which is reinforced through the music's lyrics that detail their specific social and economic realities. The subculture acts as a space for individuals who feel marginalized and excluded by the mainstream, offering a sense of belonging and group loyalty (known as aguante ).

The music and lifestyle are fundamentally anti-establishment , expressing hostility toward police, politicians, and the upper classes who are seen as contributing to their disadvantaged situation.

The music acts as a collective emotional outlet , articulating feelings of sadness, resentment, and the pain of fractured social relations resulting from poverty and lack of opportunity. While the music and sometimes the behavior are aggressive or involve themes of delinquency and substance abuse, the subculture serves as a primary source of identity and social cohesion for its members.

The Cumbia Villera genre is the undisputed main unifying theme of the Cumbiero identity. It is a highly synthesized sound that often uses explicit, colloquial language and local Argentine slang ( lunfardo ) to tell stories of life in the villas .

Cumbia Villera is musically distinct for its heavy use of synthesizers, electronic drums, and effects, often featuring a keytar (keyboard-guitar). The style blends influences from traditional Cumbia, Argentine Rock, and elements of Rap/Reggae. Lyrically, it is defined by its concise and explicit narratives about:A Dandy is a cultural figure who prioritizes physical appearance, refined language, and leisurely hobbies, treating life itself as a work of art. Emerging in late 18th-century Britain, Dandyism is not merely about being fashionable, but about cultivating a persona of effortless elegance and intellectual superiority.

The archetypal dandy, Beau Brummell, revolutionized men's fashion by rejecting the ornate silks and powders of the aristocracy in favor of the dark, impeccably tailored suits of the English country gentleman, championing understated perfection and sober colors.

In the 19th century, the figure evolved with writers like Charles Baudelaire and Oscar Wilde, who connected Dandyism to the Aesthetic Movement . For them, the dandy's meticulous attention to style became a philosophical stance; a form of individualism and a cool, detached rebellion against the vulgarity of bourgeois society.

The modern figure of the Dandy emerged in the late 18th and early 19th centuries in Britain and France as a distinct social and aesthetic statement. It was a reaction against both the extravagant, powdered style of the aristocracy and the unrefined utility of the rising middle class. The archetype was George "Beau" Brummell, who, during the British Regency , redefined masculine elegance. Brummell rejected flamboyant silks and colors in favor of impeccable tailoring, perfect cleanliness, and understated, sober fabrics, championing a restrained perfection that implied superiority through taste rather than wealth. Later in the 19th century, the figure evolved in France with writers like Charles Baudelaire, who defined the dandy not just by his clothes, but by his philosophical disposition: a cool, detached, and intellectual rebellion against the mediocrity of bourgeois society. This later phase, associated with the Aesthetic Movement , reached its peak with figures like Oscar Wilde, for whom dandyism became a complete philosophy of life, where artifice and beauty were elevated above nature and convention.

The dandy's wardrobe was an exercise in studied perfection and restraint. The foundation was the impeccably tailored suit, often made from high-quality wool or cashmere in sober colors like dark blue, black, and charcoal grey. Unlike the loose-fitting garments of the past, the dandy favored a silhouette that was clean and precise, with trousers often tapered to the leg. The genius was in the details: a masterfully tied cravat or bowtie, pristine linen shirts, polished leather boots or brogues, and carefully chosen accessories like gloves, a walking cane, or a top hat. The overall effect was not one of ostentatious display but of a quiet, confident elegance, where the quality of the fabric and the perfection of the cut spoke louder than any bright color or lavish ornamentation.

The dandy is one of the most popular character tropes in literature and culture, representing a particular kind of intellectual and social rebellion. The dandy’s persona is built on a cultivated air of nonchalance ( sprezzatura ), appearing bored or indifferent to a world he finds uninteresting. This outward aloofness masks a deep commitment to aesthetic principles, treating every gesture and choice as part of a performance. In literature, figures like Lord Henry Wotton from Oscar Wilde's The Picture of Dorian Gray and Algernon Moncrieff from The Importance of Being Earnest represent the dandy's wit, cynicism, and dedication to a life of style over substance. The dandy trope critiques societal norms by placing the individual and their curated taste above all else.Dark Culture (German: Schwarze Szene ), or the Dark Alternative Scene , is a comprehensive umbrella term for a networked community of overlapping but historically distinct subcultures. Primarily emergent in Germany, the scene integrates diverse stylistic pillars (ranging from Goth and Industrial to Bondage /Fetish culture) through a shared monochromatic style representing non-conformity and communal social infrastructure. Although these subcultures are often mistakenly referred to simply as " Goth " in English-speaking contexts, Dark Culture encompasses a spectrum of alternative styles unified by the symbolic and aesthetic use of the color black.

Originating in the late-1980s from the Dark Wave and Indie music scenes in Berlin, Dark Culture evolved into a "scene of scenes" rather than a homogenous group. The movement prioritizes individualism and the recontextualization of gothic literary motifs, utilizing aesthetics that focus on gravity, melancholy, and mysticism.

The term Schwarze Szene (Black Scene) first appeared in Berlin in the late-1980s as the boundaries between Post-Punk , Gothic Rock , and the early Industrial scene began to blur. Magazines like Zillo popularized the term to target a reader base that shared an interest in dark alternative music and fashion regardless of specific genre loyalty. By the 1990s, the term was established in Germany as a sociological marker for this heterogeneous community.

Unlike traditional subcultures that require strict adherence to one sound, Dark Culture functions as a broad social network. This dynamic allowed diverse groups (from the utilitarian Rivetheads to the historically-minded Victorian Goths ) to coexist in the same nightclubs and festivals. The scene is unified by the consistent use of synthetic and natural high-contrast materials, including PVC, latex, leather, and velvet, as a symbol of rejection toward mainstream culture.

While the term is most established in German-speaking countries, similar concepts exist globally:

Originating from the UK Post-Punk scene, Goth utilizes minor-key melodic structures and reverb-heavy production for its music. The fashion draws influences from punk and 19th-century Victorian mourning attire. Within the Dark Culture umbrella, "Goth" refers specifically to those centered on Gothic Rock, Deathrock , and Dark Wave.

entered on the Industrial and Electronic Body Music (EBM) genres, the Rivethead subculture presents an aggressive and utilitarian contrast to the romanticism-influenced Goth subculture. The aesthetic is predicated on a utilitarian wardrobe consisting of M65 field jackets, tactical flight suits, and steel-toed combat boots.

Originating as a fusion of Rivethead , Rave , and Goth culture in the late 1990s, Cybergoth utilizes a high-contrast palette of black paired with neon accents. Primary accessories include "cyberlox" (corrugated plastic tubing hair extensions), gas masks, and technical materials like UV-reactive PVC and reflective high-visibility tape. Musically, it is tied to high-energy industrial genres like Aggrotech , EBM , and Futurepop .

Victorian Goth prioritizes historical accuracy through the use of 19th-century silhouettes, specifically structured corsetry, crinolines, and silk velvet textiles. Drawing inspiration from the Gothic Revival, the aesthetic focuses on elegance and the macabre. This group often overlaps with the Steampunk community.

A traditionalist niche that utilizes acoustic instruments and historical themes to create a somber and sometimes nationalist atmosphere. This subculture is identified by its use of folk melodies and has attracted controversy due to the subversive application of fascist imagery.

The Bondage/Fetish scene is historically and socially linked to Dark Culture, particularly within the German Schwarze Szene . While distinct due to its focus on sexual practices rather than music, the shared materials of PVC, latex, and leather creates a significant overlap in nightclubs and festivals.

The early Gothic Metal scene is integrated into Dark Culture through shared fashion sensibilities and its crossover with Darkwave and Neoclassical music. It synthesizes the low-tuned distortion of Doom Metal with the operatic vocal structures of the Dark Alternative scene.

Dark Culture is musically diverse, united by a shared dark or "cold" atmosphere:Dizelaši (Дизелаши) was a youth subculture that became prominent in Serbia, particularly Belgrade, during the turbulent period of the Yugoslav Wars in the 1990s. The name, meaning "Diesel boys," is believed to refer both to the popularity of the Italian brand Diesel and the subculture's stereotypical association with the black market, including the smuggling of fuel during the era's sanctions.

Rooted in working-class youth, the Dizelaši were often linked to petty crime and a tough, macho street culture that developed amidst the social and economic crisis. Their distinctive fashion style was a key identifier, characterized by flashy tracksuits with the trousers tucked into socks, bomber jackets, athletic sneakers (notably Nike Air Max), shaved heads, and visible status symbols like thick gold chains. The subculture is also strongly associated with the popular music genres of the time, especially turbo-folk and Eurodance.

The Dizelaši subculture gained prominence in Serbia during the 1990s, an era defined by the Yugoslav Wars and severe international sanctions. The style was popularized by cultural touchstones of the time, including the infamous gangster Aleksandar "Knele" Knežević and the influential 1998 film Rane (The Wounds), whose characters were widely emulated by rebellious youth. The economic hardship of the sanctions made Western brands nearly impossible to obtain legally, turning them into highly wanted status symbols. This context fueled the subculture's connection to the black market and petty crime, as it was often the only way to acquire the desired clothing and accessories, though many youths simply adopted the aesthetic without engaging in criminal activity.

In recent years, a nostalgic revival known as " Neo-Dizelaši " has emerged, reinterpreting the 1990s style with modern elements like tapered tracksuits and different sneaker models. This subculture is also considered a direct predecessor to the more recent Balkan youth subculture known as Gaserji .

The Dizelaši fashion of the 1990s was a mix of casual sportswear and conspicuous status symbols. The quintessential uniform was a colorful tracksuit, often from brands like Kappa or Reebok, with the trouser legs characteristically tucked into the socks. This was frequently paired with athletic sneakers, particularly Nike Air Max models. Other common garments included baggy Diesel jeans and bomber jackets. The look was defined by its accessories, most importantly the display of bold, often fake, gold jewelry, such as thick chains and bracelets, which served as a primary indicator of wealth and street credibility in a period of economic hardship.

The attitude of the Dizelaši subculture was shaped by the social and economic turmoil of 1990s Serbia. It is characterized by a tough, macho demeanor, a glorification of the criminal lifestyle as a path to wealth, and a strong sense of Serbian nationalism. This mindset was reflected in their cultural tastes, particularly their devotion to Turbo-folk music, a genre whose lyrics often celebrate materialism, fast living, and nationalist themes that resonated with the subculture's aspirations. Their worldview often manifested in hostility towards other youth subcultures like Punks or Rockers , who were perceived as representing the Western influences that were politically and culturally opposed to their own.Dollette is a variant of the Coquette aesthetic that is largely based on delicate hyperfeminine fashion and visuals such as soft pink hues, cosmetic products, and floral motifs. It first started to spread in popularity in the mid-to-late 2010s under simply "Coquette", but started to get referred to as "Dollette" instead from the early 2020s and became more popular on Pinterest and TikTok with increasing influence in mainstream fashion. Note: Coquette is the most-used name for the fashion, but the wiki utilizes "coquette" as a disambiguation page for many aesthetics tagged as coquette in the past.

While the aesthetic derived from the Nymphet community, it is barely related to the initial Nymphet aesthetic that is heavily based on the fashion of the various movie interpretations based on the book Lolita by Vladimir Nabokov and was prevalent on 2014 Tumblr . The same love for Lana del Rey and the growing appreciation of feminine traits led to the rapid growth of this aesthetic. The community also shares many visuals with the Waif aesthetic, however it has no connection to mental illnesses or abrasive personality traits.

Because of the frequent use of this term, some have turned this aesthetic into a meme, with random items incongruous to the aesthetic being turned "cockette," a term for mocking the name and often paired with the pleading face emoji.

The trend has also been highly associated with secondhand clothing online sites, such as Depop, where people began to use the term Coquette in a throwaway manner as a sales point and scalp items that are highly sought after in the aesthetic, such as the Bebe milkmaid top.

The aesthetic's predecessor is Nymphet, which was popular on Tumblr in the mid- 2010s . Lana del Rey's music, celebration of youthful femininity, and use of vintage frilly visuals and fashion are some similarities between these two aesthetics. It later reduced in size due to the aesthetic's controversy; the basis of the aesthetic is on a pedophilic relationship and there were groomers deliberately targeting the community. Subsequently, multiple social media platforms removed blogs and blocked the tag. Another 2010s Tumblr aesthetic at the time which was Delicate Sweet, a pink and vintage aesthetic which also heavily inspired Dollette fashion.

Tumblr waned in popularity after the ban on pornography in 2018, and teenagers moved onto Instagram, VSCO (which is now unpopular), Pinterest and TikTok. Because of this, people had largely abandoned 2010s Tumblr aesthetics.

However, because of the pandemic, people revisited 2010s Tumblr aesthetics, possibly because of nostalgia . There was also the rise of podcasts and influencers who experienced the Nymphet aesthetic firsthand, such as Nymphet Alumni and The Red Scare , who gained in popularity and would spread awareness of what Nymphet was. Nymphet Alumni specifically discussed the pedophilia and trauma of the community , while The Red Scare promotes the sexually submissive and hyperfeminine "tradwife" persona and created hype for the brand Brandy Melville .

After this renewed interest, Coquette (the most used name for the aesthetic) gained millions of views on TikTok since 2020, with major websites such as Vogue reporting on the trend.

Because of this virality and awareness, multiple fashion brands incorporated coquette elements into their product line, making this aesthetic fairly common with the mainstream.

People who are also not in the community see the incredibly repetitive motif of bows, and then proceeded to meme the aesthetic by tying pink ribbon bows onto random objects, such as pasta, vapes, and toilet paper. Often, these videos will have the caption “Cockette” and use a TikTok audio of a duo poorly singing “Brooklyn Baby” by Lana del Rey.

Dollette, as discussed, is extremely girly. This is especially present in the use of color, which includes soft pinks, white, ivory, and silver. Occasionally, other pastels, red, gold, or black may be introduced. This aesthetic, like many other viral ones, is especially versatile in that it relies on certain motifs that can be utilized in different ways, such as in fashion and home decor. Bows, ribbons, hearts, gingham and other types of plaid, and ditsy floral , a pattern with miniature flowers, are the most identifiable traits.

Because the most common expression of this aesthetic is fashion, the backdrop of these videos also express the aesthetic. Bedrooms are dollette spaces, and the interior design matches the feminine and vintage connotations, often being inspired by Shabby Chic . Specifically, bedrooms have cozy and princess-y details such as Rococo -inspired frames, chandeliers, layered textiles, and vintage furniture, similar to the Pink Princess aesthetic.

While this aesthetic is most often expressed through fashion and interior design that is accessible to teenagers, certain feminine photographic subjects occasionally appear, albeit less often. One of these is ballet imagery , such as pointe shoes, dancers wearing pink, etc. This imagery would be happier, lighter, and more pink in comparison to Waif.

In addition to the girly imagery, romance -related imagery is popular. Pink and white roses, lipstick kisses, love letters, and romance novels (especially laid on top of a bed) are common photos, similar to what is seen in Romantic Academia . However, unlike Nymphet, there are no images of the men or any sexuality that relates to the object of romanticizing.

Baked goods that have cute qualities , such as elaborately decorated cakes in a vintage style, heart-shaped anything, strawberry or vanilla flavored things, etc. are often featured in videos and accompany vintage tea cups .

As a dark side to the aesthetic, some photos show cigarettes, alcohol, and cocaine , which is a connection to the original Dark Nymphet aesthetic, Lana del Rey's music, and Waif. However, this is rare in comparison to the other motifs.

Designer brands and logos, such as Dior, are often shown as signs of wealth and luxury.

Photos of makeup with packaging that matches the aesthetic, such as Flower Knows, Too Faced and Dior is often used to portray a dollette lifestyle.

The use of soft and feminine fabrics such as silk, chiffon, and satin is common in the fashion. These fabrics enhance the sensual atmosphere of the style. There are many bows, ribbons, frills, and lace trims to add a playful sweetness to the overall look.

Fashion in this style is incredibly variable, and mainly includes largely mainstream outfits using easily found basics enhanced with girly details (with Brandy Melville being the most popular store), and can also include fantasy -inspired fashion (similar to Princesscore or Fairycore ), or clothing taken from 2000s Japanese girly fashion (see Shoujo Girl subtype below).

Part of the trend is upcycling clothing, often taking a non-aesthetic-specific piece such as a plain black tee shirt and adding the above motifs to it.

The tops of Dollette fashion are the most distinct feature of photos, as some tops are extremely popular and become highly sought-after items on the secondhand market. One of these are white eyelet cotton puffed sleeve milkmaid blouses. They are called milkmaid style because the bust area is gathered while the torso is fitted. This creates a sexy and feminine silhouette that resembles the traditional clothing of milkmaids in idealized western European historical fashion. One example of a milkmaid top that is popular is the Brandy Melville "Blair" top, which is known for being TikTok-famous .

The Bebe "milkmaid" top sold for a high price, which influenced people to look for more of these "milkmaid tops." These are not the true milkmaid tops described above. Rather, they are faux two-piece tops (often called twofers) where it resembles a scooped neck sweater with a fake straight neckline "tank" in a contrasting color and contains girly details like ruffles, pintucks, and buttons. Many sellers on Depop import them from Japan .

However, more basic and buyable tops are doable in this aesthetic. Scoop neck jersey tees (often long sleeved) with a lace camisole underneath and peeking through, which is a copy of a 2000s trend, can be purchased anywhere. Pointelle jersey tees , especially with a floral pattern, ruching at the bust, lace trim, or ribbon have also become popular amongst mall brands after the Brandy Melville tops became desirable.

Babydoll tops, which have an empire waist and flare from that seam, are also quite popular and can come from Japan or the 2000s. Like the milkmaid tops, puffed sleeves, sweetheart necklines, bows, etc. are common motifs.

For a warmer option, cable-knit sweaters are common in the aesthetic and have a preppy connotation.

Pleated skirts are one of the most common pieces used in fashion because of their association with schoolgirls, a youthful and feminine subject. The more mainstream interpretation also includes short denim skirts .

In Coquette, roomwear is incredibly common. Shorts made of jersey material for the purpose of lounging often features in videos, and as previously mentioned, largely originates from Brandy Melville and is mostly worn as part of a set.

In terms of pants, jeans with details like heart-shaped embellishments and/or cutouts on the knees, sequins, pearls, and floral elements are often found in casual coquette fashion and many of its different subsections and subcategories.

Because of the influence of Balletcore, tight-fitting zip-up jackets commonly worn by athletes and dancers after practice are commonly worn, often coming in pink and gray to enhance the ballet motif, similar to in Pink Pilates Princess . Another interpretation is using an over-sized zip-up jacket, which has a more casual and masculine connotation to contrast the girly appearance.

Cardigans are another commonly worn outer piece, with the fit and length being variable. This includes bolero cardigans, which are also inspired by Balletcore and 2000s fashion.

Accessories are the most important part of this aesthetic, as the inclusion of them distinguishes a "normal" outfit from a dollette/coquette one. Many of the pieces used are incredibly trendy and highly sought after, which makes it a recognizable marker of being part of the aesthetic in public.

The most popular is the Vivienne Westwood pearl and orb necklace . Because of the fact that it is from a designer brand and quite expensive, this is a status symbol and often imitated. Regular pearl necklaces are another substitute.

An edgier take on the aesthetic can involve crucifix necklaces, which originate from the increasing fashionability of Catholicism as a romantic and dramatic subculture.

As previously discussed, bows and ribbons are the biggest markers of the aesthetic. This can be incorporated into many parts of an outfit, such as tied or clipped into hair, on a backpack or purse, around the neck, as shoelaces, etc.

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Shoujo Girl

Around 2020, many Dollette people who where aware of Japanese Girly fashion began to buy clothes on the secondhand market and resell it in the West, often at an upcharge. These clothes matched the Coquette/Dollette motifs through bows, lace, ribbon, etc. but are distinct from the mainstream interpretation of Coquette/Dollette, which uses clothes from the West with heavy accessorizing, as opposed to clothes from Japan wherein the elements are part of the garment.

Because of this, fans of the Japanese-sourced clothes wanted to find a new tag from Coquette. They also often include TikTok audios from Shoujo and Josei anime and edits that are not commonly seen in Dollette.  Because of the Shoujo connection, there is an association between this style and Nanchatte Seifuku which can give it a more school-girl vibe.

The key to this style is the clothes . This style will almost always have pink in the outfit, although non-pink outfits have also been gaining popularity as the substyle branches off. Clothes are comfortable but still flattering. Some examples are lace off-the-shoulder sweaters, mini frilly skirts, mini denim skirts, light flared jeans Henley tops, floral pattern tops, silk tops, cute dusty pink jackets. For accessories you can use simply girly ones such as hair bows, lace necklaces, hair flowers, Mary Janes, heels, open toed pink sandals, scarf, and a frilly bag to finish it off. A-line feminine skirts medium or short length. Feminine textures such as lace, faux fur, satin, and frills. Cute accessories such as gloves or bags and even hair accessories, blouses or cardigan or a floral top would work. The old era of Himekaji fashion is more simpler while the new is more stylized. There is still some debate in the Coquette community over whether this subtype counts as being part of Coquette, especially since it doesn't have any connection to Nymphet.

Something that many feminist women point out is that coquette often extends beyond the visual aspect and reinforces concepts of gender seen as regressive. On TikTok, there exists "girl internet", or the online trend of women calling themselves girls and relating their discussing their experience of being a "girl". This led to trends that play into gender roles, such as "girl math", the trend where women self-deprecate on their shopping habits and lack of real mathematical logic. Similarly, "girl dinner" being nothing or very small amounts of healthy food normalizes anorexia or orthorexia as an inherently feminine thing to do.

Older feminists point out how "girl" is traditionally used to infantilize women and trivialize their experiences. So, they interpret re-embracing this term and aesthetic as self-infantilization and leads to their peers taking them less seriously. For a rebuttal, see the Philosophy section (under construction).

Some members of this aesthetic also engage in "lookism," which is the hyperfixation on appearing beautiful to the point of toxicity. Many videos also outright promote beauty standards such as pale skin, button noses, "doe eyes," "keyhole lips," etc. in the form of subliminals and declarations of "x is so angelic/coquette/pretty". And with TikTok's algorithm, people consuming content about desirable features may be advertised cosmetic surgery to achieve these features.

As POC content creators discuss, these traits are often only seen in white women, which may reinforce the idea that only white women can look ethereal and beautiful, which historically has been used to uplift whiteness while demeaning POC features as lesser.

This community also sometimes outright body shames or criticizes the looks of certain models in runway videos, criticize TikTok video creators' appearances in comments, and declare certain traits as undesirable. For example, one TikTok shows "angel vs. witch skulls" .

With this is also the association with pro-Ana, which is a community that believes being anorexic is desirable and to be encouraged. Specfically, coquette users often post images of unhealthily thin models as inspiration, use “one size fits all” Brandy Melville clothes as a status symbol, post ultra-restrictive meals under the guise of "aesthetic food," and post their incredibly small desired goal weights in their videos to the extent that the British government released an advisory warning parents against Coquette’s influence. Many TikTok creators also use filters to make their limbs and waists ultra-thin, which causes unaware people to think this level of skinniness is possible.

For some time, the song "Put Me in a Movie" by Lana del Rey was viral in the community and used as a backdrop to normal aesthetic activities such as outfit posts. However, the song is explicitly about a girl or woman who was taken in and acts in a porn video with the line "You know you like little girls." The community's history of being descended from Nymphet adds to this criticism.

This aesthetic's fashion largely comes from Depop, an app that allows users to purchase secondhand clothing. Coquette fashion, especially the pieces originating from Japan or 2000s mall brands, are often marked up at least twice from the cost the seller purchased. For example, a seller may buy secondhand Japanese brands for $5 but mark it up to $50 on their Depop shop.Dresiarz (plurally Dresiarze ), a Polish term literally meaning "tracksuit wearer," refers to a youth subculture that became prominent in Poland during the turbulent socioeconomic transition of the late 1980s and 1990s. Rooted in working-class youth from urban housing estates ( blokowiska ) and small towns, the subculture is stereotypically associated with a tough demeanor, petty crime, and an apolitical, anti-intellectual worldview.

The aesthetic is defined by its uniform: a full tracksuit, often counterfeit sportswear, paired with athletic sneakers. This look is typically completed with a shaved or very short hairstyle and sometimes accessorized with status symbols like cars (particularly older BMW models) and pit bull-type dogs.

Musically, the subculture was initially linked to Disco Polo in the 1990s, later shifting towards Polish rap and electronic music. The Dresiarz style has also been cited as a key influence on the more recent Polish electronic music and rave subculture known as Wixa .

The Dresiarz subculture originated in Poland during the major socioeconomic changes of the late 1980s and 1990s, as the country transitioned from communism to capitalism. Sociologists suggest the group originated from segments of the working class who were unable to adapt to the new economic system, leading to the formation of petty criminal groups in urban housing estates. The subculture began to decline in the 21st century due to several factors, including a decrease in unemployment, the dismantling of many 1990s-era criminal gangs, and emigration to other European countries. Today, the Dresiarz stereotype is most commonly associated with football hooliganism.

The fashion of the Dresiarz is utilitarian and brand-conscious, centered almost exclusively on sportswear. The defining garment is the tracksuit ( dres ), often from brands like Adidas and Nike, though counterfeit versions were common. This was typically paired with athletic sneakers and, in some cases, a leather jacket. The look was completed with a shaved or very short-cropped haircut. The overall aesthetic projected a functional, street-ready image that prioritized comfort and a particular form of masculine, athletic presentation.

The Dresiarz subculture is stereotypically associated with a specific set of interests and behaviors rooted in working-class, urban life. Musically, the group was initially linked to the Polish genre of Disco Polo during the 1990s, with tastes later shifting towards techno, house, and Polish hip-hop. A significant aspect of the culture involves a focus on physical strength, with weight lifting and working out being common activities. There is also a strong connection to car culture, particularly the modification of older, accessible models like the Fiat 126p or various BMW and Volkswagen models. The subculture is often linked in Polish media to football hooliganism and the ownership of stereotypically aggressive dog breeds like pit bulls.

The Dresiarz subculture has been depicted and referenced in various Polish media, often in a satirical or critical light.Edwardian refers to the aesthetic encompassing the period of King Edward VII's reign in the United Kingdom, from 1901 to 1910. Culturally, it often extends to signify the larger trends of the early 20th century before World War I. This era is characterized by a mood of relative peace and prosperity, marking a transition from the rigid formality of the Victorian age to a more relaxed and optimistic modern sensibility.

In fashion, the Edwardian aesthetic is defined by an emphasis on elegance and opulence, which continues to inspire contemporary styles such as Goth or Lolita . Women's clothing featured the "S-bend" silhouette, characterized by a pouter pigeon front and a straight back, alongside elaborate hats adorned with feathers and flowers. Lighter fabrics and intricate lace were common. Menswear included tailored suits, formal morning dress, and specific attire for leisure activities.

Architecture of the period frequently drew from Baroque Revival and Queen Anne styles, often featuring lighter interiors, larger windows, and a less cluttered appearance than Victorian designs. The influence of Art Nouveau was also prominent in decorative arts and design, bringing organic lines and natural motifs.

Under Construction

Men's fashion during the Edwardian era maintained a slow pace of change, with styles being more about subtle details than dramatic shifts in silhouette. The three-piece suit continued to be the primary garment for most occasions, though with a greater variety of colors and materials. The more formal frock coat, a staple of the previous century, was becoming less common, reserved for only the most conservative daytime events. For formal day occasions, the cutaway morning coat was still the standard.

Evening wear was very structured and formal. The tailcoat with a white tie was the most formal option, but the tuxedo, or dinner jacket, gained increasing popularity for less formal evening events. The tuxedo was distinguished by its tail-less, single-button design and shawl collar. Accessories were essential, including neckties, gloves, and a variety of hats. The Homburg and bowler hat were popular choices with suits, while top hats were worn for formal occasions. The era also saw the rise of clothing for specific leisure and sporting activities like golf and motoring. Fabrics like tweed were common for these pursuits.

Edwardian women's fashion was initially defined by the S-bend silhouette, created by a new "health corset" that pushed the bust forward and the hips back. This shape was characterized by a narrow waist and a pronounced, monobosom chest. Bodices were often blousy, and skirts were bell-shaped and floor-length, sometimes with a train. A strong emphasis was placed on modesty, with day dresses covering the body from neck to floor. The aesthetic was one of opulence and refinement, with dresses made from rich fabrics like silk satin and chiffon, often heavily decorated with lace, embroidery, rhinestones, and spangles. The Gibson Girl style, which was characterized by a full, upswept hairstyle and broad-brimmed hats adorned with feathers and flowers, was part of the defining beauty standards of the early decade.

As the decade progressed, a new silhouette began to emerge. The rigid S-bend softened and evolved into a straighter, more natural shape with a higher waistline. Sleeves and skirts became narrower, foreshadowing the tubular silhouette that would become prominent after World War I. For the first time, practical clothing became widely accepted. The "tailor-made" suit, consisting of a skirt and a matching jacket, became a popular choice for both working women and for leisure activities like traveling or sports. This shift reflected the changing roles of women who were beginning to lead more active lives and enter the workforce.

Under Construction

Under Construction

Under ConstructionEshay is a slang term used to describe a contemporary Australian youth subculture that is particularly prominent in major cities like Sydney. The name is believed to derive from Pig Latin for "lad" (" adlay "), and the subculture is often associated with working-class youth, Australian drill and rap music, and a specific style of street fashion.

The aesthetic is defined by a uniform of designer and brand-name sportswear, which can include polo shirts, puffer vests or jackets, and athletic shorts from brands like Nike, Tommy Hilfiger, Ralph Lauren, and Nautica. A particularly iconic element of the look is the Nike Air Max Plus sneaker, commonly known as "TNs." The style is often completed with accessories like a bumbag (fanny pack) worn across the chest. Eshays are stereotypically associated with a tough, hypermasculine demeanor, anti-social behavior in public spaces like train stations, and a background in street graffiti culture.

The Eshay aesthetic is defined by a specific uniform of high-end and athletic sportswear. Key garments include polo shirts, puffer vests, and athletic shorts from brands such as Tommy Hilfiger, Ralph Lauren, and Nautica. The look is heavily reliant on specific accessories that act as status signifiers. These typically include Gucci caps, Oakley sunglasses, and a bumbag (fanny pack) worn across the chest. The most iconic element of the uniform is the footwear, almost invariably a pair of Nike Air Max Plus sneakers, commonly known as "TNs."

The Eshay subculture is stereotypically associated with a tough, hypermasculine demeanor and anti-social behavior, often involving groups congregating in public spaces like parks and train stations. A distinctive feature of the group is its use of slang derived from Pig Latin. For example, "eshay" itself is a play on the Pig Latin for "yes," while other common terms include "adlay" (lad), "illchay" (chill), and "eetswa" (sweet). Musically, the subculture is closely linked to the Australian drill and rap scene, with prominent artists associated with the style including OneFour, Spanian, and Sydney Youngins.Eurotrash is a loosely defined cultural term that refers to the kitschy , flashy, and unabashedly commercial aspects of European pop culture. Initially coined as a derogatory slur primarily by Americans to describe wealthy but culturally vacuous European expatriates, or by the British to mock continental habits, the term has since been reclaimed as a celebration of camp , hedonism, and "bad taste."

As a cultural category, Eurotrash encompasses a specific brand of maximalist fashion (characterized by " nouveau riche " signaling, logomania, and heavy grooming) and a broad spectrum of high-energy electronic music genres. It acts as the umbrella for various regional scenes (such as Italo Disco in Italy, Hands Up in Germany, Disco Polo in Poland, and Turbo-folk in the Balkans) that share a common philosophy of favoring synthetic fun over intellectual seriousness.

The aesthetic is intrinsically linked to the Eurovision Song Contest, which serves as its annual cultural zenith, and the cult 1990s television show Eurotrash , which codified the "weird and sexy" perception of continental Europe for an international audience.

The term "Eurotrash" is a portmanteau of "European" and "White Trash." It emerged in the 1980s, popularized by social commentators like Taki Theodoracopulos, to describe a specific demographic of jet-setting Europeans living in New York or London. These individuals were stereotyped as wealthy, obsessed with designer labels (Versace, Gucci, Moschino), deeply tanned, and culturally superficial, often associated with the nightclub scenes of Ibiza, St. Tropez, and Mykonos.

In the 1990s, the term's meaning shifted significantly due to the British television series Eurotrash (1993–2007), hosted by Jean-Paul Gaultier and Antoine de Caunes. The show presented a surreal, bawdy, and colorful view of European culture, focusing on eccentric subcultures, pornography stars, and bizarre novelty pop acts. The show transformed "Eurotrash" from an insult into a badge of honor, defining a specific aesthetic of "continental camp" that celebrated the weird, the plastic, and the sexually liberated.

The visual aesthetic of Eurotrash is grounded in the "Holiday Resort" look and the aesthetics of the mid-2000s club scene. It was characterized by excessive use of animal prints (leopard, zebra), gold lamé, rhinestones, and white linen. In many regions, the Eurotrash aesthetic overlaps with working-class sportswear cultures, such as the Chav in the UK, the Dresiarz in Poland, or the Gopnik in Russia. The unifying factor is the tracksuit as a uniform of leisure.

It also encompassed the aestheticization of brands like Versace, Moschino, Just Cavalli, and Dsquared2, particularly their louder, logo-centric collections. In Eurovision, staging that utilizes excessive glitter, wind machines, pyrotechnics, and campy costumes are also considered stapes of the Eurotrash aesthetic. Artists like Verka Serduchka (Ukraine) or Günther (Sweden) are considered archetypes of this self-aware visual style.

The Eurotrash aesthetic is fundamentally defined by a rejection of "Old World" bourgeois values, such as subtlety, heritage, and naturalism, in favor of an unapologetic "New World" consumerism. This philosophy privileges the artificial over the organic, a preference that manifests physically through deep solarium tans, peroxide blonde hair, bold makeup, and visible plastic surgery.

This embrace of the synthetic extends to social status, where the style adopts a "nouveau riche" attitude that equates value with visibility. Branding is essential to this look, characterized by "logomania" and ostentatious displays of wealth (such as gold chains, rhinestones, and fast cars) that traditional elites would dismiss as tasteless. The culture is driven by a spirit of hedonism centered on nightlife and holiday resorts, prioritizing the immediate dopamine rush of the weekend over any concerns regarding artistic credibility or permanence.

Musically, Eurotrash is the domain of high-energy, commercial dance music. In the 1990s, genres like Eurodance were frequently derided by music critics (particularly in the UK and US rock press) as "soulless," "plastic," and "disposable." Acts like Aqua, Vengaboys, or 2 Unlimited were criticized for their simple lyrics and synthetic production.

However, from a local perspective, this music represented a democratized form of joy. For Eastern Europe in particular, the explosion of synthesized dance music (such as Wixa in Poland or Hardbass in Russia) was the soundtrack of post-Iron Curtain freedom and the rush toward Western consumerism. Today, these genres are viewed with heavy nostalgia, celebrated for their unpretentious energy and optimism.

The Eurotrash umbrella covers several distinct regional "party" genres:

"Eurotrash" music is usually defined as songs that prioritize catchy hooks, synthetic production, and nonsensical or novelty lyrics over artistic subtlety.

The term "Eurotrash" remains controversial. For many people, it is a classist slur used to mock the tastes of the working class and the "new money" demographic, reinforcing a divide between "High Culture" (Western Europe, classical music, minimalism) and "Low Culture" (Eastern/Southern Europe, pop music, maximalism).

However, in the 21st century, the aesthetic has undergone a "High Fashion" revival. Luxury brands like Balenciaga (under Demna Gvasalia) and Vetements have ironically appropriated the "Eurotrash" look, selling elevated versions of tracksuits, oversized hoodies, and DHL t-shirts at exorbitant price points. This commodification highlights the "post-shame" nature of the aesthetic, where the tacky is celebrated precisely because it offends traditional bourgeois sensibilities.Flaite is a Chilean urban subculture and social stereotype associated with youth from low-socioeconomic backgrounds who adopt a distinct visual style, slang, and attitude. While the term is often used pejoratively to describe delinquency or vulgar behavior, it also represents a specific aesthetic identity that combines elements of global hip-hop , reggaeton fashion, and local street culture.

The Flaite serves as the modern evolution of historical Chilean working-class archetypes, such as the " Roto " (the ragged worker) and the " Poblador " (the shantytown dweller). However, unlike these predecessors who were defined by their labor or political organization, the Flaite is largely defined by consumerism and a desire for status through aggressive visual display.

The exact origin of the word is debated, but it is generally believed to be an Anglicism derived from the United States, adapted into Chilean slang:

The Flaite phenomenon emerged in the post-dictatorship era of Chile (1990s onwards), a period marked by the aggressive expansion of neoliberal economics. As American pop culture flooded the country, marginalized youth began to adopt the aesthetics of global hip-hop and gangsta rap to construct an identity.

Sociologists argue that the Flaite identity is a response to social exclusion. Unlike the "Poblador" of the 1960s who took pride in humility and class struggle, the Flaite seeks to integrate into society through "opulent consumption." By acquiring expensive brand-name goods (sneakers, smartphones, luxury brands), often through debt or illicit means, they attempt to bypass social barriers and demand visibility.

In the mid-2000s, the subculture became the center of a national controversy with the " Pitéate un flaite " (Eliminate a Flaite) radio campaign. Although presented as humor, it was widely criticized for promoting class hatred and violence against poor youth, leading to its cancellation after legal intervention.

The Flaite aesthetic has evolved significantly over the last three decades, shifting from loose-fitting hip-hop gear to the tighter "fashion" style influenced by Argentine and Puerto Rican trends.

The most distinct physical marker of the subculture is the Sopaipilla haircut. This style consists of shaving the sides and back of the head completely while leaving the hair on top long, often styled flat or spiked with gel. It is named after the sopaipilla , a traditional Chilean fried pumpkin dough, because the patch of hair on top resembles the pastry sitting on the head. In recent years, this has evolved into more complex fades and designs, often with shaved lines in the eyebrows.

In its early stages, the aesthetic was heavily influenced by American Gangsta Rap and basketball culture. Key elements included:

As musical tastes shifted toward Reggaeton and the Argentine Cumbia Villera (specifically the "Wachiturro" movement), the fashion silhouette flipped from oversized to tight. Current motifs include:

The primary value of the subculture is Choreza (toughness/coolness). This is an attitude of defiance against authority and a refusal to be submissive. Within the community, a distinction is made between a "Choro" (a respected figure who commits crimes for necessity/family and stays quiet) and a "Flaite/Alumbrado" (a show-off who brags about crimes or toughness to gain status). The "Alumbrado" is often looked down upon for being loud and pretentious without substance.

Cuico flaite refers to a phenomenon where wealthy youth ( Cuicos ) appropriate the Flaite aesthetic, slang, and aggressive attitude as a form of rebellion or trend-following, despite having no connection to the socio-economic hardship that birthed the subculture.

The subculture speaks Coa, a dialect that originated as prison slang but permeated the lower classes. It involves a specific rapid cadence, the aspiration of the letter 'S', and a vast vocabulary of slang terms used to establish solidarity among peers. Common terms include Perkin (submissive person/servant), Logi (fool), and Zarpar (to realize/understand).

The term "flaite" is frequently used as a weapon of class discrimination. It is often conflated with criminal behavior, leading to the stigmatization of all youth from poor neighborhoods regardless of their actual conduct.

The musical preferences of the subculture moved through various genres that emphasize urban narratives and rhythm.Flamenco is a musical and cultural expression originating in the Andalusian region of Spain. This tradition encompasses singing, instrumental music, and dance, each with distinct characteristics. Its development is strongly associated with specific areas within Andalusia, including Cádiz, Jerez de la Frontera, and Seville, and has also seen regional variations in other areas of Southern Spain.

Flamenco, as it is recognized today, developed in the 18th century. The exact origins of this art form are not definitively established. The tradition is associated with Andalusian folk culture and the Roma ( gitano ) minority. Historical evidence indicates a combination of cultural influences in Andalusia. Romani artists contributed significantly to the development and preservation of flamenco. Theories regarding its origins include influences from Castilian sung poetry, Moorish, and Sephardic musical traditions. The cultural composition of Andalusia, including native inhabitants, Muslim, and Castilian populations, along with African influences on instrument development, played a role in its formation. Flamenco's development began before the arrival of Romani people in Andalusia. Although Romani communities were present in other regions of Spain and Europe, flamenco's development occurred uniquely within Andalusia.

In 2010, UNESCO recognized flamenco as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, following a proposal from the Andalusian, Extremaduran, and Murcian regional governments. The Andalusian Center for Flamenco Documentation, based in Jerez de la Frontera, is dedicated to the preservation and promotion of this art form. Flamenco's popularity has extended to Latin America, with the establishment of flamenco groups and schools in various countries. Its study has also produced notable figures in Chile, and its popularity is significant in Japan and increasingly in China.

Flamenco's origins are believed to be in the late 18th century, developing in agrarian towns and villages of Lower Andalusia, with Jerez de la Frontera cited as the location of the earliest written record. Hypotheses suggest influences from dance forms originating in the Indian subcontinent, the region from which the Romani people migrated. Arab culture is also considered to have influenced flamenco, especially in regards to footwork. The documentary " Gurumbé, canciones de tu memoria negra " highlights African influences in flamenco rhythms and choreography. The roots of flamenco, though somewhat mysterious, seem to lie in the Roma migration from Rajasthan (in northwest India) to Spain between the 9th and 14th centuries. These migrants brought with them musical instruments, such as tambourines, bells, and wooden castanets, and an extensive repertoire of songs and dances. In Spain they encountered the rich cultures of the Sephardic Jews and the Moors. Their centuries-long cultural intermingling contributed to the development of flamenco.

In 1783, Carlos III issued regulations that improved the legal and social conditions for Romani people in Spain. Following the Spanish War of Independence, a sense of cultural identity emerged, contrasting enlightened, French-influenced ideas with the " majo " archetype, known for individualism and grace. The " cañí " style, reflecting this " casticismo " (Spanish traditionalism), gained popularity. Romani people, viewed as embodying this individualism, became a cultural model. Bullfighting schools, banditry, and romantic interest in Andalusia from European travelers contributed to the development of Andalusian regionalism, which gained popularity in Madrid.

During this period, disagreements arose about the introduction of innovations to the art. " Cafés cantantes ," or singing cafes, were nightlife establishments that also served drinks. These locations were not always viewed favorably by the general public. According to the memoirs of singer Fernando el de Triana, a " café cantante " existed in Seville by 1842, reopening as " Los Lombardos " in 1847. Despite this, singers and styles remained relatively disconnected. In 1881, Silverio Franconetti, a singer known for his extensive repertoire and artistic ability, opened the first flamenco " café cantante " in Seville, providing a competitive environment for singers.

The popularity of " cafés cantantes " facilitated the emergence of professional flamenco singers and served as a space for the development of flamenco. In these cafes, non-Romani people learned songs from Romani singers, while Romani singers reinterpreted Andalusian folk songs, expanding the repertoire. Public preferences also contributed to shaping flamenco, unifying its techniques and themes.

The Generation of '98 expressed " antiflamenquismo ," defined by the Royal Spanish Academy as an affection for flamenco art and customs, encompassing flamenco song and bullfighting. Writers such as Eugenio Noel criticized flamenco and bullfighting, attributing Spain's problems to these practices, contrasting them with the perceived progress of European nations without these traditions. This viewpoint created a division between flamenco and a large part of the intellectual/ avant-garde community for decades.

Between 1920 and 1955, flamenco performances moved to bullrings and theaters, under the name " Ópera flamenca ." This designation was an economic strategy. This era saw flamenco's spread across Spain and major world cities. The commercial success of flamenco during this period resulted in the removal of older, more austere " palos " (flamenco styles) from the stage, in favor of lighter forms, such as " cantiñas ," " cantes de ida y vuelta ," and " fandangos ," the latter of which saw many personal interpretations. Purist critics decried this lighter approach to the songs, as well as the use of " falsetto " (a high-pitched singing voice) and a vulgar style. Though documented references to " ópera flamenca " appear in the press from 1926, researcher Antonio Conde González-Carrascosa found a reference from 1902 describing flamenco song, dance, and " ópera flamenca ."

Poet Federico García Lorca and composer Manuel de Falla organized a " cante jondo " (deep song) competition in Granada in 1922, advocating for " cante jondo ," seen as folklore rather than a theatrical genre. They worried that flamenco's mainstream success would degrade its purest forms. The competition aimed to preserve these roots, only allowing amateur singers and excluding festive songs considered "flamenco" but not " jondo ." Antonio Chacón, a leading singer at the time, presided over the jury. The winners were " El Tenazas ," a retired professional singer, and Manuel Ortega, an eight-year-old boy later known as Manolo Caracol. The competition achieved little success, as Lorca and Falla did not account for flamenco's professionalization, seeking a purity that was not a part of flamenco's diverse and innovative nature. Alongside this, the Generation of '27, whose members were from Andalusia, began recognizing flamenco.

Christmas -related flamenco recordings existed at this time, in the form of traditional carols in the flamenco style and flamenco songs with Christmas themes. These songs have continued to today, with the Zambomba Jerezana declared an Intangible Cultural Heritage by the Junta de Andalucía in 2015.

During the Spanish Civil War, many flamenco singers who defended the Republic were exiled or killed. After the war, during the early Franco regime, flamenco faced scrutiny, as authorities were unsure if it contributed to national identity. However, the regime later adopted flamenco as a key Spanish cultural symbol. Singers who survived the war went from famous to unknown, performing for the wealthy in private rooms of central Seville brothels, catering to aristocrats, the military, and newly wealthy businessmen.

Flamenco was effectively appropriated by the Franco regime as a symbol of Spanish cultural identity, utilizing it to promote national unity and attract tourism, a concept known as " nacional-flamenquismo ." This led to flamenco being viewed as reactionary or conservative in other areas of Spain. In the mid-1960s, flamenco singers began to oppose the regime through protest lyrics. In contrast to the conservatism associated with flamenco during the Franco regime, flamenco was influenced by activism against the regime's repression. University students engaged with flamenco in recitals, leading to political performances by flamenco artists. This "flamenco protest" faced censorship and repression.

The " Ópera Flamenca " period allowed for creativity and established much of the flamenco repertoire. It is considered the Golden Age of flamenco, with figures such as Antonio Chacón, Manuel Vallejo, Manuel Torre, La Niña de los Peines, Pepe Marchena, and Manolo Caracol.

Around 1950, anthropological and musicological studies on flamenco became common. In 1954, Hispavox released the " Antología del Cante Flamenco ," a sound recording which was influential in an era where flamenco was often orchestrated and stylized. In 1955, Argentine intellectual Anselmo González Climent published " Flamencología ," coining the term for the study of flamenco. This work used academic musicological methodology, providing a foundation for future flamenco scholarship.

As a result, the first National " Cante Jondo " Competition of Córdoba was held in 1956, and in 1958, the first Chair of Flamencology was founded in Jerez de la Frontera, becoming the oldest academic institution dedicated to the study, research, preservation, promotion, and defense of flamenco art. Additionally, in 1963, Ricardo Molina and Antonio Mairena published " Mundo y Formas del Cante Flamenco ," a reference work describing the variety of " palos " (flamenco styles) and detailing the history of " cante " (flamenco song). This book proposed the idea that flamenco was solely the work of Romani people, who preserved it until making it their profession. The book distinguished between " cante grande " (exclusively Romani) and " cante chico " (flamenco adaptations of Andalusian folk and colonial songs). Molina and Mairena's work introduced the "Gitanist thesis" and " neojondismo " (a revival of cante jondo) into flamencology.

Mairena's perspectives were widely accepted for some time, until challenged by authors who developed the "Andalucista thesis." This thesis argued that flamenco was a genuinely Andalusian product, having developed entirely within the region and with its basic forms derived from Andalusian folklore. It maintained that Andalusian Romani people significantly contributed to its formation, pointing to flamenco's uniqueness among Romani music and dance forms from other parts of Spain and Europe. Today, a combination of the "Gitanist" and "Andalucista" theses is the generally accepted perspective. From 1950 to 1970, flamenco transitioned from performance to a subject of study.

Following the Spanish transition to democracy (1975), protest themes became less prominent as flamenco became part of globalized art. Simultaneously, flamenco became institutionalized, with the Junta de Andalucía assuming exclusive control over its knowledge, preservation, research, education, promotion, and dissemination by 2007. The 1970s in Spain saw social and political change, influencing Spanish society through musical styles from Europe and the United States. Many singers had grown up listening to established flamenco singers. This resulted in the "Flamenco Fusion" movement. Singer Rocío Jurado increased flamenco's international visibility in the early 1970s, replacing the " bata de cola " (flamenco dress) with evening gowns.

The " traje de flamenca ," or flamenco dress, is a garment worn by women at festivals in Andalusia. Two primary variations exist: one designed for dance performance and another for daytime wear. The day dress is form-fitting to the mid-thigh, then expands into multiple ruffled layers reaching the ankle. The dancer's version flares from a higher point on the hip, allowing greater freedom of movement. Both dress types feature ruffled trim on the skirt and sleeves. Common colors include black and red, and patterns vary, with polka dots (" traje de lunares ") being a frequent choice. The outfit is often completed with a Manila shawl worn over the shoulders, and the hair is typically styled in a bun with floral adornments and a decorative comb.

The origin of the " traje de flamenca " is attributed to Roma women in Spain, and is now considered a traditional Andalusian garment. Its development occurred between the late 19th and early 20th centuries, originating from the practical attire of women vendors at livestock fairs. Women from upper classes began to adopt the style. Since the 1929 Seville Exposition, the " traje de flamenca " is considered the official attire for that event.

The design of the " traje de flamenca " has evolved over time. Changes include variations in skirt length, such as the shorter "Marisol style" of the 1960s and 1970s, and adjustments to the placement of ruffles. Contemporary designs offer a range of colors, patterns, sleeve lengths, and ruffle quantities. The garment has influenced both Spanish and international fashion designers. New designs are presented annually at the Salón Internacional de la Moda Flamenca (SIMOF) in Seville.

Flamenco shoes are worn by flamenco dancers, primarily women, often in conjunction with the " traje de flamenca ." Male dancers traditionally wear heeled boots, although some flamenco shoe styles are now available for men. Dance-specific flamenco shoes have small nails embedded in the toe and heel to produce percussive sounds during footwork. Materials used include leather, suede, and synthetic alternatives. Heel styles vary, with sizes typically ranging from 4 cm to 7 cm. Fastenings include straps, buckles, or laces. Shoe quality grades differ, with professional-level shoes featuring reinforcement for durability and sound. Historically, flamenco shoes were handcrafted in Spain, and specialized workshops continue this tradition.

Palos are the different types or families of songs and pieces that make up the tradition, each with its own recognizable identity. The word in this context is often understood like a “category” or “branch,” grouping pieces that share the same basic pattern and feeling.​

Each palo is defined above all by its compás , meaning its characteristic rhythmic cycle and pattern of accents (for example in 3, 4, or 12-beat patterns). A palo also has typical melodic turns, usual keys or modes, and a particular way lyrics are structured, so that experienced performers and listeners can identify it quickly.​

There are many palos (commonly more than fifty are mentioned) and they are often organized into families according to their historical roots, region, or rhythmic type. Some are considered “deep” and serious, others lighter and festive; some come from older Andalusian or Romani traditions, while others grew out of folk songs, dances, or even forms that traveled to and from Latin America.​

Olé is an expressive term used to encourage Andalusian singers (" cantaores ") and dancers (" bailaores "). Adolfo Salazar proposes a possible origin from the Hebrew verb " oleh " (to throw upwards), noting similar use in Tunisian and Maghrebi dance. The Andalusian dialect form " arza " (a pronunciation of "rise") is related. Caló (term describing the Romani community in Andalusia) word " Olá " (come) is a likely source. In Andalusia, " jaleo " is associated with " ojeo de hunt " (driving away game with voices/noise).

Duende , according to the Royal Spanish Academy (RAE) dictionary (1956), is a "mysterious and ineffable charm" in Andalusia. Romani people call this charisma " duende ." Federico García Lorca describes " duende " as an ineffable "mysterious power that everyone feels and that no philosopher explains" (quoting Goethe). In flamenco, " duende " is considered beyond technique and inspiration. Expressions used when a flamenco artist experiences "duende": "have duende," sing/play/dance "with duende."

Other terms include:

Flamenco music is intensely rhythmic and expressive, built around repeated patterns of beats called compás. Often heard is clapping, footwork, and guitar accents that lock into these patterns, especially in the famous 12-beat cycles.​ The singing (cante) tends to be raw, ornamented, and highly emotional, with slides between notes and tight melodic ranges. Many traditional songs lean toward serious themes like pain, loss, and longing.​

The guitar (toque) provides harmony, rhythm, and its own melodic lines, using rapid strumming (rasgueado), percussive taps on the soundboard, and short solo passages called falsetas. A common element is the so‑called Andalusian cadence which gives flamenco much of its distinctive, tense sound. ​ Performances are often participatory; expect handclaps (palmas), shouts of encouragement (jaleo), and sometimes percussion like the cajón. This creates a sense of rising tension and release that is central to the music’s impact.​

Flamenco, while internationally recognized as a cultural symbol associated with Spain, is more accurately understood as a tradition deeply rooted in Andalusia. This regional specificity is important due to Spain's diverse cultures, where various autonomous communities maintain distinct traditions. During the Franco regime (1939-1975), flamenco was often promoted as a symbol of national identity. This promotion, a component of the regime's efforts to forge a unified national identity, contributed to the perception of flamenco as a monolithic representation of Spanish culture, a view not universally shared within Spain.

The association of flamenco with a generalized "Spanishness" (often pejoratively referred to as españolada in Spanish) can lead to misinterpretations and oversimplifications, particularly for tourists. This can result in "tourist trap" experiences, where commercialized performances may not accurately reflect the depth and authenticity of traditional flamenco. For example, flamenco shows are often marketed as typical Spanish performances, but are not common outside of Andalusia. Shows marketed as "traditional Spanish dinner and Flamenco experiences" outside of Andalusia, such as in Madrid or Barcelona, are considered suspicious by many Spanish people, as they are not reflective of typical cultural practices in these areas. While performances of flamenco dancers and musicians can be enjoyed in the streets of Seville, seeking such performances in other regions of Spain is considered atypical. To experience flamenco in its most authentic form, visiting Andalusia, especially areas like Seville, Jerez de la Frontera, and Cádiz, is recommended.

Historically, flamenco is tied to Roma/Gitano communities in Andalusia; it was developed as an expression of their persecution and marginalization. Many Spaniards outside Andalusia view flamenco as distinctly Andalusian-Gitano, rather than a universal "Spanish" folklore, leading to issues with tourist traps and broad marketing, as mentioned above. Institutions and media sometimes package flamenco as a definitive Spanish symbol, overshadowing its origins and potentially reducing its cultural depth, which echoes how, during the Francisco Franco regime, flamenco was co-opted to serve as a national symbol for Spain. This "official" version often stripped the art form of its original context of resistance and used it to project a unified national identity. Additionally, some non-marginalized artists have been criticized for their perceived disrespectful treatment of flamenco. Catalan pop star ROSALÍA, for instance, has been accused of profiting off a culture she doesn't fully belong to, with many critics (particularly from the Gitano community and Andalusia) arguing that she uses certain flamenco aesthetics (such as Andalusian accents and traditional imagery) without acknowledging the social pain behind them, while benefiting from her position of white privilege.Flappers were young Western women in the 1920s who embraced a free lifestyle. They were known for their short skirts (here meaning knee-length) and above-shoulder-length hair. They also listened to jazz. Smoking, drinking, driving automobiles, and casual sex were another part of the lifestyles of Flappers. Essentially, Flappers made their disdain for socially-acceptable female behavior known.

Flappers came out of the increasing freedoms throughout the 1910s. Due to large numbers of men fighting in WWI, a significant number of women entered the workforce, exposing them to freedoms that many wanted to keep. Women's freedoms were further expanded with the passage of the 19th Amendment, giving them the right to vote. Improvements in birth control also contributed to the growing freedoms of women.

Then the men came back from war. As Frederick Lewis Allen says in Only Yesterday , "(Women) found themselves expected to settle down into the humdrum routine of American life as if nothing had happened, to accept the moral dicta of elders who seemed to them still to be living in a Pollyanna land of rosy ideals which the war had killed for them. They couldn't do it, and they very disrespectfully said so."

In summary, flappers defied the previous norms by wearing short(er) skirts, makeup, and having short hair.

Examples of flapper clothing include:

This is a list of activities commonly associated with Flappers.

This is a list of general places where Flappers went.

Flappers were known for listening to jazz.Floggers were a prominent youth subculture that emerged in Argentina and spread to other parts of Latin America, reaching its peak popularity between 2007 and 2009. The subculture was inextricably linked to the photo-blogging website Fotolog.com, from which its name is derived.

The subculture revolved around taking and posting daily self-portraits, cultivating online popularity through comments and "friends," and organizing real-world meetups, often at shopping malls. The aesthetic is defined by a distinct and androgynous fashion style, characterized by brightly colored, tight-fitting skinny jeans, v-neck t-shirts, and Converse-style sneakers. The most iconic feature was the hairstyle: long, straight, and meticulously combed over one side of the face to partially cover an eye. The movement, which had its own superstar influencers like Agustina "Cumbio" Vivero, quickly faded with the decline of Fotolog and the rise of other social media platforms like Facebook.

The style of dressing consist of brightly colored cool pants (tight jeans or jogging pants), loose V-neck t-shirts with fluorescent colors or not. Floggers use canvas sneakers or Converse as sneakers, the hairstyle that distinguishes them is semi-long in men, and bangs in both genders which partially or completely cover the eyes.

Among the tastes of these ( formerly ) teenagers there is electronic music, mainly techno, on which they have developed a peculiar way of dancing called Electro . The movements consist of quickly extending one leg, hitting the ground with the heel, and pointing the other leg back, and then quickly changing the position of the legs.Frazzled English Woman is a microtrend that originated on TikTok, gaining popularity after being coined by the fashion magazine RUSSH in 2022. The aesthetic is heavily inspired by the appearance of female characters in early 2000s British romantic comedies. Figures embodying this look include Renée Zellweger as Bridget Jones, Kate Winslet as Iris Simpkins in The Holiday , and characters portrayed by Laura Linney and Keira Knightley in Love Actually .

The concept of the Frazzled English Woman centers on a look that appears "thrown together" or slightly disheveled, yet maintains a distinct charm and wit. It embraces imperfection and comfort, valuing practicality over polished glamour. The aesthetic suggests a person who is busy and perhaps a bit flustered by daily life, but remains endearing and authentic.

Elements include a strong emphasis on layered knitwear such as chunky sweaters and cardigans, often paired with midi skirts or flared jeans. Tailored shirts, sometimes layered under knitwear, and oversized trench coats or long peacoats are common. Footwear typically consists of practical options like knee-high boots or loafers. Accessories frequently seen are claw clips used for messy updos, skinny scarves, and large, utilitarian bags. Hair is often artfully undone, with loose strands, and makeup is minimal, occasionally featuring a subtle lip color. The aesthetic conveys a sense of realistic balance, reflecting a "woman on the go" who prioritizes comfort and personality over strict fashion conventions.

The "Frazzled English Woman" aesthetic rose to popularity on TikTok in the mid-2020s, though the concept itself has been circulating for several years. It was formally named by the Australian fashion magazine RUSSH in 2022, with editor Ella O’Keeffe describing the muse as an "English, middle class, working girl, she’s quite frazzled but she’s also quite witty." The aesthetic is rooted in the appearance of female characters from early 2000s British romantic comedies, notably those from Richard Curtis films like Love Actually and The Holiday , as well as Bridget Jones's Diary .

The trend emerged as a counterpoint to more polished aesthetics such as " Clean Girl " and " Coastal Grandmother ." While "coastal grandmother" aims for a chic, casually thrown-together look, the "Frazzled English Woman" embraces a genuinely disheveled appearance, suggesting a person with limited time to get ready. The aesthetic aligns with TikTok's appreciation for Y2K fashion and the comforting elements seen in trends like Cottagecore . It offers a wide margin for error in styling, often achievable with existing wardrobe items, and does not emphasize designer labels or luxurious materials. The appeal for many lies in its move away from traditional ideas of "flattering" fashion, embracing bulkiness and a less structured silhouette.

The aesthetic's popularity also reflects a cultural shift towards embracing imperfection and authenticity. Some discussions surrounding the "Frazzled English Woman" have shown its predominantly middle-class, white, and well-spoken archetypes, which has caused debate about the implications of fetishizing a particular type of woman and lifestyle. Some argue that while the fashion elements of the era themselves can be appreciated, it is important to distinguish them from the social and political contexts of the early 2000s, including gender norms and workplace dynamics depicted in media of that period.

The fashion of the Frazzled English Woman aesthetic is characterized by a layered and somewhat dishevelled appearance, prioritizing comfort and practicality. A strong emphasis is placed on knitwear, including chunky sweaters and cardigans. These are frequently paired with midi skirts or flared jeans. Tailored shirts, often layered beneath knitwear, and oversized outerwear such as trench coats or long peacoats are common.

Footwear typically consists of practical styles like knee-high boots and loafers. Accessories play a key role, with claw clips used for messy updos and skinny scarves being prominent features. Large, utilitarian bags are also characteristic. Hair is often styled in an artfully undone manner, with loose strands. Makeup is minimal, sometimes featuring a subtle lip color. The aesthetic embraces a lack of strict coordination, allowing for a mix of colors and textures, and it does not emphasize waist definition or body lengthening, instead embracing bulkiness as part of the style. The look often avoids designer labels or luxurious materials, creating an eclectic and quirky sensibility that can be achieved with everyday items.The French Girl is a long-standing aesthetic and cultural trope based on a stereotypical image of a chic, sophisticated, and effortlessly "cool" Parisian woman. Rather than reflecting the reality of all French women, it is a highly specific and influential cliché perpetuated by film, fashion media, and popular culture. The aesthetic draws on the concept of nonchalance: a studied carelessness that suggests an innate sense of style without visible effort.

The idealized "French Girl" look is often described as "natural and effortless, achieved with effort." It involves a minimalist approach to fashion, typically with a neutral color palette, classic garments like trench coats and Breton striped shirts, and simple accessories. Beauty is similarly understated, emphasizing healthy skin, tousled "just-woke-up-like-this" hair, and either a bare face or a single bold element, like red lipstick.

The modern archetype of the French Girl was crystallized in the 1950s and 1960s, heavily influenced by the actresses of French New Wave cinema and the icons of the yé-yé music movement. Figures like Françoise Hardy, Jane Birkin, Jeanne Moreau, and Brigitte Bardot established a look that was both intellectual and alluring, romantic and moody. However, the aesthetic has faced criticism for promoting a narrow and exclusionary standard of beauty that is typically white, thin, and of a specific hair type, failing to represent the diversity of modern France. As noted by critics, the image was largely constructed and popularized by a historically male-dominated media and advertising industry.

The first wave of the French Girl aesthetic began around 1957 with the popularity of the Left Bank "Beat" style worn by artists and poets, and lasted to the 1970s.

A second wave of the French Girl aesthetic began around 2014 with Vogue magazine producing tons of articles on the habits, food, makeup, and clothes loved by French Girls. The articles went beyond images and brand names and many offered "secret tips". Emphasis was placed on the effortlessness of French Girl style, in contrast to the more American obsession with perfection achieved through layers of makeup, complicated diets, and extensive workout routines.

Traditionally, the French Girl is famous for being thin despite not utilizing intense workouts, although it is extremely important to note that all bodies are welcome in the French Girl aesthetic! French Girls participate in light, fun activities to stay healthy, such as:This page describes the French Girly aesthetic from Japan. For other similar aesthetics, see French Girl (Western counterpart), Pink Parisian (Western Tumblr aesthetic), or Parisian Girly (children's depictions). French Girly ( フレンチガーリー ) is a substyle of Japanese Girly Kei fashion and an aesthetic created by and popular among young women in Japan. It is an elegant and feminine aesthetic that utilizes imagery associated with antique French Haussmann architecture and material culture, combined with whimsical and kawaii details. This type of fashion is largely inspired by luxury brands and prep, but takes on an extremely girly look that is fairly unique to Japanese culture.

This style can be commonly found on Instagram and has been reported on by Japanese fashion magazines as well as online sites aimed at young women. French Girly also centers around the clothing of various indie brands that gained notoriety for creating and catering to this aesthetic, largely by the brand Epine.

As the fashion part of the aesthetic is derived from Japanese Girly fashion , it closely follows its typical silhouette while also integrating elements associated with parisian fashion(see pink parisian ), such as:The Garçonne (French for "boy" with a feminine suffix) was a fashion and cultural movement of the 1920s, centered in France, that championed a revolutionary style of androgyny and independence. It was the aesthetic of the "New Woman," who in the wake of World War I, was asserting new social and political freedoms. The style is defined by its rejection of the traditionally curvaceous female silhouette in favor of a boyish, linear look, achieved through short hair, flattened chests, and the adoption of menswear.

While often associated with the American Flapper or considered a variant of it, the Garçonne was distinct. The Flapper was a social archetype defined by a hedonistic jazz lifestyle and decorative, though liberated, fashion. The Garçonne, in contrast, was a more politically and intellectually motivated movement rooted in French feminism, with a more severe and overtly androgynous fashion uniform.

The Garçonne look emerged from the social shifts in post-World War I Europe. The war had pushed women into the workforce and granted them newfound self-reliance. This "New Woman" required practical, unrestrictive clothing, a need met by pioneering designers like Coco Chanel, who championed the use of comfortable fabrics and menswear-inspired garments like trousers and blazers for women.

The term itself was popularized by Victor Margueritte's scandalous 1922 novel, La Garçonne , which depicted the life of an independent, sexually liberated woman who wore her hair short and lived by her own rules. The book and the real-life women who adopted the style were initially met with public outrage—actress Marlene Dietrich, for example, was famously threatened with arrest for wearing a man's suit in public—but the look quickly evolved into a defining fashion trend of the decade.

The primary goal of the Garçonne aesthetic was to create a boyish, androgynous, and streamlined silhouette that allowed for freedom of movement. This was achieved by abandoning the traditional hourglass figure in favor of a linear and rectangular shape with a flattened chest. Key garments included menswear-inspired items like tailored suits, blazers, and trousers, alongside simple, drop-waist dresses that further emphasized the lack of curves. The signature cloche hat, worn low over the eyebrows, was a common accessory. This look was defined by the iconic short, bobbed haircut, known as the coupe à la garçonne , yet was often contrasted with feminine makeup, such as bold red lipstick and sharply defined eyebrows.The Gaucho is a historical and cultural figure of the South American Pampas (grasslands), equivalent to the North American cowboy . Originating in the 18th century, the Gaucho was a nomadic and skilled horseman, traditionally of mixed European and indigenous ancestry, who roamed the plains of what is now Argentina, Uruguay, and Southern Brazil. The subculture is defined by a fierce spirit of independence, equestrian skills, and a distinct, practical form of dress.

Initially a marginalized, semi-lawless figure of the frontier, the Gaucho was later romanticized and transformed into a potent national symbol and folk hero, particularly in Argentina. The aesthetic celebrates a rugged, self-reliant lifestyle in harmony with the vast, open plains, and is immortalized in literature, music, and art, most famously in the epic poem Martín Fierro .

The Gaucho emerged in the 17th and 18th centuries on the open grasslands of the Pampas. The term is thought to derive from the Quechua word huachu , meaning "orphan" or "vagabond," reflecting their nomadic and independent lifestyle. They were typically of mixed Spanish and indigenous heritage and lived a semi-lawless existence outside the control of urban centers. Their livelihood was based on the abundant feral cattle ( ganado cimarrón ) and wild horses that roamed the plains, which they hunted for food and hides.

Living a self-reliant life, the Gaucho was renowned for his exceptional horsemanship, toughness, and bravery. They worked for landowners during the vaquerías (cattle roundups) but remained largely independent. This way of life began to decline in the mid-19th century after Argentina's independence from Spain. The Pampas were gradually fenced off into large ranches ( estancias ), railways were built, and the wild cattle disappeared. The once-free Gaucho slowly transitioned into a settled ranch laborer, or peon. During this period of decline, the figure of the Gaucho began to be romanticized in literature, transforming from a social outcast into a symbol of national identity and freedom.

The Gaucho's attire was practical and rugged, designed for a life of horsemanship on the open plains. Every element was functional, yet together they created a distinct and iconic look.

Music was an important part of Gaucho social life, which often centered around the pulpería (a rural tavern). The musical tradition is a form of folklore that celebrates the Gaucho's life, skills, and values. The primary instrument was the guitar.

The most characteristic musical form is the payada , a lyrical duel between two Gauchos, or payadores . In this improvised competition, each singer takes turns composing verses on a given theme, aiming to outdo the other in wit, poetry, and cleverness. The payada was a test of a Gaucho's intellect and verbal skill, as important in its own way as his horsemanship.

The Gaucho was immortalized and transformed into a national folk hero through literature, particularly in the 19th century. The most important work in the Gaucho literary tradition is the epic poem El gaucho Martín Fierro (1872) by José Hernández. This poem tells the story of a Gaucho who is drafted to fight on the frontier, loses his family and home, and becomes an outlaw. The poem is a critique of the social injustices faced by Gauchos as their way of life was being destroyed, and it cemented the figure of Martín Fierro as the ultimate symbol of Argentine national identity, freedom, and resistance. Another notable work is Ricardo Güiraldes's 1926 novel, Don Segundo Sombra .Gopnik (Russian: Гопник) is a pejorative term and subculture associated with working-class youth in Russia and other post-Soviet states, which became particularly prominent during the social and economic turmoil of the 1990s. The term is believed to derive from the slang " gop-stop " (гоп-стоп), a term for street robbery, and is linked to young men from suburban, lower-income backgrounds who are often stereotyped as being involved in petty crime.

The aesthetic is defined by a distinct uniform, most famously a full tracksuit (often by Adidas), which provided comfort and was seen as a status symbol. Other elements of the stereotype include the characteristic "Slav squat," the consumption of sunflower seeds (семечки, semechki ) and cheap alcohol, and an association with electronic music genres like Hardbass (which originated in Saint Petersburg as a parody of the stereotype). While the prevalence of the subculture has declined since the early 2000s, the Gopnik has become an enduring international internet meme and a widely recognized symbol of post-Soviet street culture.

The fashion associated with the Gopnik stereotype is defined by practicality and brand aspiration, with the full tracksuit serving as its most iconic uniform. The Adidas brand is particularly emblematic, having first gained visibility in the USSR during the 1980 Moscow Olympics before becoming a coveted status symbol and a marker of nonconformity in the post-Soviet 1990s, often associated with the black market.

Common footwear includes leather shoes, often with a pointed toe, while headwear like flat caps, ushankas, and balaclavas provide warmth. This distinct "post-Soviet style" was later appropriated by global streetwear and high fashion, with designers like Gosha Rubchinskiy bringing the aesthetic to international runways. This trend, which saw brands like Urban Outfitters utilize Cyrillic lettering, has been compared to " Communist Chic " for its commercial use of post-Soviet cultural symbols.

The attitude associated with the Gopnik stereotype is characterized by aggression, territoriality, and a strong loyalty to a peer group often governed by strict masculine hierarchies. A key part of the subculture is the public performance of specific mannerisms. The most famous of these is the "Slav squat," a posture of resting on one's heels that is thought to have originated in Soviet prisons where inmates squatted to avoid sitting on the cold ground. This, along with the public consumption of sunflower seeds (семечки, semechki ), became a distinctive social behavior. The specific "gangster quiff" hairstyle is another visual signifier, believed to have roots in either army culture or the "real boys" (реальных пацанов) subculture.

The musical tastes associated with the Gopnik subculture are often misunderstood. While internet meme culture has strongly linked Gopniks with Hardbass, the more historically authentic genre is Blatnyak (блатняк), also known as Russian chanson , a style of Russian criminal songs that glorifies the "thieves' life" and originated within the prison systems of the Soviet Union. Characterized by simple melodies and narrative-driven lyrics that use criminal slang, Blatnyak romanticizes a life outside of societal norms and authority.

Hardbass (Хард-басс), by contrast, is a high-tempo electronic music genre that originated in St. Petersburg in the late 1990s. Its connection to the Gopnik subculture is largely ironic; the genre often began as a parody of Gopnik culture, satirizing its values and aesthetic. Through its viral popularity online, especially with tracks like " Cheeki Breeki Hardbass Anthem " and " Tri Poloski ," it has become inseparably, though humorously, linked to the modern image of the Gopnik.

In Russia and other post-Soviet countries, the term Gopnik is a pejorative with strong negative connotations, associating the subculture with criminality, antisocial behavior, and a lack of education rooted in the socioeconomic instability of the 1990s. Internationally, however, the perception of the Gopnik has been largely shaped by internet culture since the 2010s. Satirical videos of people dressed as Gopniks dancing to Hardbass transformed the subculture into a popular meme, which has been criticized for trivializing the real economic hardship and social neglect that led to its formation. This online portrayal often inaccurately conflates the specific Gopnik subculture with the broader ethnic identity of "Slav," which reduces multiple cultures to a single stereotype.Gothic Lolita (ゴスロリ, gosurori ) is a substyle of Lolita fashion that emerged in Japan during the late 1990s. It is defined by its fusion of the innocent, doll-like Lolita silhouette with the dark, dramatic, and elegant aesthetics of Western Goth subculture.

The style was pioneered and popularized by Mana, the influential guitarist of the Visual Kei band Malice Mizer, who founded the archetypal Gothic Lolita brand Moi-même-Moitié in 1999. His concept of "Elegant Gothic Lolita" (EGL) and "Elegant Gothic Aristocrat " (EGA) became the foundation for the style.

While Lolita fashion in general draws from historical Victorian and Rococo clothing, Gothic Lolita specifically incorporates elements from 19th-century Gothic fiction and medieval Gothic architecture , emphasizing mystery, melancholy, and a dark elegance. Common motifs include religious symbols like crosses, along with bats, coffins, and grand castles, rendered in a palette dominated by black but often accented with deep jewel tones like crimson, navy, and purple.

While Gothic Lolita is generally seen as substyle of Lolita fashion overseas, in Japan it is considered an own style that evolved independently out of the Visual Kei scene during the 90s, very closely related to EGA . It is often said that Trans Gals, fans of the music label "TRANS RECORDS", were the predecessors of Gothic Lolitas. Although they already wore styles similar to nowadays Gothic Lolita, the fashion wasn't given a name until Mana from Malice Mizer described it as "Gothic & Lolita" which then was adapted by fans emulating his worldview.

Motifs and imagery that are often seen in Gothic Lolita coordinates are crosses, bats, coffins, skulls, castles, and deep red roses. Other colors, such as navy and royal blue, maroon, deep purple and crimson are all also common in Gothic Lolita along with the main color of every outfit being black.

Like all Lolita substyles, Gothic Lolita follows the iconic silhouette consisting of headdress, blouse, poofy skirt, petticoat, legwear, and accessories. While a "cupcake" shape is common for most other Lolita styles, there's also many A-line shape ones in Gothic to make the coordinate appear more sophisticated or mature.

All kinds of hairstyles are worn in Gothic Lolita, but the most common is straight hair with hime-cut bangs, sometimes worn with half-pigtails that can also be curled. The hair is often dyed to achieve jet black hair or unnatural colors.

Makeup incorporated in Gothic Lolita often consists of pale foundation, black eyeliner, fake lashes, light blush, and dark lipstick, although the makeup is supposed to still look "natural" (straight up black lipstick is rarely worn).

Accessories for Gothic Lolita consists of rectangle headdresses, lace chokers, wrist cuffs, silver jewelry, bags, and parasols, usually adorned with Gothic motifs. Legwear is usually black and consisting out of lace or printed fabric with matching lace border. Jewelry, if added, usually has gems in dark colors, and metal tones are more common than golden tones. Venice lace chokers or a rosary are also often worn as jewelry to accessorize. Wrist cuffs are also very popular in Gothic Lolita.

Shoes commonly used in Gothic Lolita are mary janes, rocking horse shoes, and other platform shoes along with low to mid size heels. They are usually black so they match the rest of the outfit.

The difference between Gothic Lolita and other Lolita styles in black lies in the details of the outfit even when void of the typical motifs in the form of prints. Sweet decorative elements like bows on garments get replaced by dainty satin ribbon and roses, and lace is prefered instead of ruffles.Greasers were a working-class youth subculture that originated in the 1950s among teenagers in northeastern and southern United States. Rock-and-roll music was a major part of the culture, and styles were influenced by singers, like Eddie Cochran, Gene Vincent, Johnny Burnette, Vince Taylor and Ritchie Valens, but the two main figures of the look were Marlon Brando and James Dean.

In the 1950s and 1960s , these youths were also known as "hoods". This may be due to the fact that the style was more popular in poor neighborhoods that had higher crime rates than upper-class neighborhoods.

Greasers grew out of post–World War II social and economic conditions, particularly among working-class and lower-income youths in urban neighborhoods. Many came from Italian American, Mexican American, and other Latino backgrounds, and the subculture expressed frustration with a conformist, middle-class 1950s society that they felt excluded them.

The name "greaser" came from the greased-back hairstyles these people wore (which involved combing back hair using hair wax, hair gel, creams, tonics or pomade), though it also originally functioned as a slur, tied to earlier racist usage against Mexican laborers in 19th‑century California. By the 1950s it became associated with urban “hoods” or “toughs,” and middle-class Americans often viewed greasers as threatening or delinquent even as they were also romanticized as exciting outsiders.

Women also became a part of greaser culture. Like men, they joined motorcycle gangs and wore jackets displaying their group's or gang's name. Latina women involved in gangs typically did not fight side-by-side with male gangs, but they did fight rival female gangs in the 1950s. Women were often depicted as the property of male motorcycle gang members.

Although greasers were largely a North American youth phenomenon, there were similar subcultures that sprouted up in the United Kingdom, Australia, Italy, Japan, France, Sweden, Germany, New Zealand and South Africa, due to the influence of American culture and media. In France, they are called "blousons noirs". The 1960s British Rockers, also known as a "ton-up boy", took inspiration from the Greaser image. Unlike British rockers, who were exclusively bikers, North American greasers were known more for their love of hot rod cars, kustoms and vans, not necessarily motorcycles. Both subcultures are known for being fans of 1950s Doo Wop, Rock and Roll, and Rockabilly music.

By the mid‑1960s the original greaser scene faded as youth culture shifted toward other movements, though related styles persisted in some working-class communities and biker cultures. Greasers reappeared in later decades as part of a revival of 1950s popular culture. One of the first manifestations of this revival was a 1971 American 7 Up television commercial that featured a 1950s greaser saying, "Hey remember me? I'm the teen angel." The music act Sha Na Na also played a major role in the revival.

Clothing usually worn by greasers included:

Common accessories included:

Common footwear included:

In England, the greasers are called "Teddy Boys" and they wear drape jackets, creepers and ducktail hairstyles. Typical hairstyles included the pompadour, the Duck's ass, S-Curls, Finger Waves, Afros with parts or shaped like pompadours, and the more combed-back "Folsom" style. These hairstyles were held in place with pomade like suavecito and layrite, wax, or hair creams such as brylcreem. Another variant of greasers were "Ton-Up Boys", who wore pompadours, Leather Jackets, blue jeans or leather pants, and jack boots. They rode motorcycles modified to go 100 Miles An Hour or more, and we're known as "Rockers."

The leather jacket, as popularized by pilots during World War II, became an icon of greaser culture. Compared with the previous decades, the 1950s were considered dull and the youths craved a new sense of adventure. The leather jacket marked greaser youths as daring and adventurous young men, like the pilot heroes of the recent war.Guido and Guidette are terms for a subculture of working-class Italian-Americans that is primarily associated with the East Coast of the United States, particularly New York and New Jersey. The aesthetic is defined by a strong emphasis on appearance, including a muscular physique for men, tanned skin, specific hairstyles, and an affinity for flashy, designer-label clothing and gold jewelry.

The term "Guido" itself is highly controversial. While some within the subculture use it as a light-hearted, self-identifying label, it is considered a derogatory ethnic slur by many other Italian-Americans. The subculture gained international notoriety in the late 2000s through its depiction on the MTV reality show Jersey Shore , which focused on a caricature of the lifestyle.

While the term "Guido" has existed for decades, the modern subculture traces its aesthetic origins to the 1970s. It evolved from the 1950s greaser look and crystallized with the 1977 film Saturday Night Fever . The character of Tony Manero, played by John Travolta, established a new archetype of a cool, working-class Italian-American male centered on disco music, dancing, and meticulous grooming. This provided a cultural touchstone for young Italian-Americans to create their own standard of style, distinct from mainstream American ideals.

The subculture remained a regional phenomenon until the late 2000s, when it was amplified and heavily stereotyped by the MTV show Jersey Shore . The show's cast codified the "Gym, Tan, Laundry" (GTL) ritual and brought a specific, exaggerated version of the aesthetic to a global audience, making it a prominent part of Y2K and McBling -era pop culture.

The Guido/Guidette aesthetic is centered on a highly curated and conspicuous presentation of the self. It values looking expensive, physically fit, and meticulously groomed.

The male look emphasizes traditional masculinity and physical prowess. A muscular, well-built physique is central, maintained through the ritual of "GTL" (Gym, Tan, Laundry). Hairstyles are heavily styled, with the most famous being the "blowout" or other spiky looks held in place with large amounts of hair gel. Fashion includes designer tracksuits (Fila, etc.), tight-fitting shirts from brands like Ed Hardy and Affliction, and expensive jeans (see also Post-Grunge Maximalism ). Accessories are key, with flashy gold chains (often with a crucifix or Italian horn), rosaries, and diamond earrings being staples.

The female look is equally glamorous and high-maintenance. A deep, dark tan, often achieved through tanning beds, is essential. Hair is typically long, straightened or styled in "barrel curls" with the signature "poof" hairstyle at the crown, made famous by Nicole "Snooki" Polizzi. Makeup is heavy, with an emphasis on smokey eyes, glossy lips, and thick bronzer. Clothing is form-fitting and often features animal prints or logos from luxury brands like Gucci and mid-tier brands like Ed Hardy. Long, decorated acrylic nails are prominent.

The Guido/Guidette subculture has been subject to criticism and debate, both within and outside the Italian-American community. Many Italian-Americans view the term "guido" as a deeply offensive slur and see the associated aesthetic as a harmful caricature that reinforces negative stereotypes of working-class people of their ethnicity.

The portrayal of the subculture on Jersey Shore was particularly controversial. While it brought the aesthetic to global fame, critics argue that the show isolated and fetishized a single, homogenous identity in order to mock it. The show's focus on partying, fighting, and "shock TV mayhem" was protested by numerous Italian-American organizations for promoting a negative and one-dimensional image. The association became so strong that some luxury brands reportedly offered to pay cast members to stop wearing their clothing, believing the connection was "contrary to the aspirational nature" of their brand and could be distressing to their customers.The Halbstarke (German for "half-strong") was a youth subculture that emerged in West Germany and German-speaking countries during the mid-1950s. It was a highly publicized, largely non-political movement representing the first widespread youth revolt in post-WWII Germany. The aesthetic was a direct copy of American "delinquent youth" culture, specifically the Greaser style, which was adopted as a physical and visual protest against the pervasive conservative morality, strict societal rules, and perceived hypocrisy ( Spießigkeit ) of the older generation.

The term itself was often used by the media and authorities as a derogatory label for working-class male youth associated with rowdyism, consumption of alcohol, and deliberate provocation of authorities through their appearance.

The movement represented a deliberate split from the prevailing German culture, which favored Heimatfilme (homeland films) and Schlager music. Halbstarke youth instead consumed American Rock 'n' Roll, which was often denigrated by the establishment as "jungle music" ( Urwaldmusik ) or by racial slurs.

The Halbstarke aesthetic was defined by a rejection of the neat, traditional German youth styles, instead embracing the aggressive, imported glamour of American pop culture idols.

The fashion was a pastiche of figures like James Dean, Marlon Brando, and Elvis Presley:

The Halbstarke movement was unique for the intense public and political reaction it provoked in the newly established Federal Republic of Germany.

A key feature of the movement was the eruption of " Großkrawalle " (major riots) that frequently followed screenings of American films or rock 'n' roll concerts between 1956 and 1958. These riots, which sometimes involved up to 4,000 youth, featured wilful destruction of property (such as cinema furniture) and confrontations with police. The riots were often seen as pointless and chaotic, reflecting a desperate desire to vent dissatisfaction with the bleak and strict society.

The subculture's look and attitude were codified by specific films and actors:

While the movement as a whole was not politically organized, it is largely understood today as a legitimate, visible form of protest against the nation's conservative authorities and the adult generation's focus on forgetting the war and achieving economic stability (" Keine Experimente ").Hime Lolita is a substyle of Lolita fashion that is characterized by a princess-like look that is frequently OTT (Over The Top). While somewhat visually similar to Classic Lolita , Hime Lolita includes many decorative factors borrowed from Sweet Lolita.

The dresses in Hime Lolita have several layers of ruffles and other details, and jumperskirts are often worn without a blouse. This is to remove the childlike aspect, and cause the coordinate to appear more classy. If a blouse is used, it usually is a square or heart neckline with flared sleeves, made from chiffon. If one wants to go for a even more mature appearance, a corset can be used. The hemline of the dress is worn on or above the knees, but can be longer as well.

Hime Lolita is a difficult style to pull off quite right for those are beginners in Lolita fashion, since it's difficult to coordinate all the details without messing up the look. Additionally, the quality of the material needs to be rich to attain that princess appearance.

Hairstyles in Hime Lolita can range from casual to over the top hairdos, both usually involving curls. Wigs are often used to achieve this effect, with the three most common hairstyles being a "traditional" Hime haircut (bangs straight with short locks on the front, and then running longer in the back.), elegant and big teased hair, and elegantly curled hair.

On the topic of headwear, things such as crowns and bonnets are often used. Another item that is favored would be rose headdresses. Gold, silver jewelry or pearls are common, with necklaces or rings having roses or little bows on them as an added detail. Adding ruffes and lace adds to the look a lot. Elbow-length gloves or longer are used in the winter. Paper or lace fans with pearls, roses or rhinestones decorated on them are seen in the summer. Purses are kept rather simple and can have some detailing on them.

Socks are knee or ankle length, and can have details such as frills, lace, small bows, or feature patterns such as cake or stripes. Transparent or lace tights an very much help to further a fancy look, however.

The colors usually consist of lighter shades of colors. Colors that give off an innocent feel, like pale pinks, baby blues and greens and white. Other colors that are seen as mint green and pale yellow. Because of the softer colors, some may get Sweet and Hime confused, however the latter includes much more layering.Incroyables and Merveilleuses constituted a French fashion and social subculture that emerged in Paris during the Directoire period, from 1795 to 1799. This aesthetic materialized as a direct reaction against the austerity and strictures of the preceding Reign of Terror and Jacobin ideals of equality, symbolizing a fervent return to hedonism, extravagance, and pleasure-seeking.

The Merveilleuses (women) adopted an exaggerated neoclassical style, favoring lightweight, sheer, and often transparent fabrics that clung to the body, inspired by ancient Greek and Roman attire. Their gowns featured high waists and low necklines, sometimes worn with minimal undergarments. Footwear consisted of sandals tied with ribbons or adorned with pearls around the ankles. Hairstyles included short, curly locks or elaborate blonde wigs, sometimes styled to evoke the appearance of those prepared for the guillotine. They carried small purses known as reticules, as their clinging dresses lacked pockets.

The Incroyables (men) displayed an equally exaggerated, often ill-fitting, menswear. They wore very short redingotes, jackets with oversized collars, and gigantic cravats that often concealed their chins. Their breeches were typically tight, and stockings were often deliberately ill-fitting to emphasize thin legs. Hair was worn long, sometimes in braids or with long side-locks dubbed "dog ears," or with a guillotine-style cut. Accessories included large monocles and massive, knotted clubs or canes, which they humorously referred to as their "executive power" and sometimes used to confront former Jacobins.

Both Incroyables and Merveilleuses cultivated a peculiar, affected manner of speech, notably softening or omitting the "r" sound. This deliberate eccentricity, combined with their theatrical and often scandalous attire, acted as a potent social and political statement, signifying a rejection of revolutionary norms and a re-establishment of a visible elite in Parisian society. Their gatherings often took place in prominent salons and public balls, including the notorious " bals des victimes ," where attendees mourned lost relatives with a cynical flourish.

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Under ConstructionThe Jock refers to a stereotype that describes high school and college athletes. Those who are classified as jocks are stereotyped as being popular because of their role in high school sports, which can lead to their portrayal in media as either charismatic leaders or social-climbing bullies.

The roots of the jock aesthetic can be traced back to the early 20th century when organized sports gained popularity in educational institutions, especially in football.

In the 1970s and 1980s, the jock aesthetic gained more visibility and recognition through the rise of sports-themed movies and television shows. These portrayals often depicted jocks as physically fit, confident, and socially dominant individuals. Such media representations reinforced the idea that athleticism and sports success were desirable traits.

However, the jock aesthetic has not been without its negative portrayals. Critics argue that the jock aesthetic can perpetuate harmful stereotypes, such as promoting toxic masculinity and an exclusive social hierarchy. In some cases, jocks have been associated with bullying or an excessive focus on physical appearance and performance. These negative portrayals have sparked discussions about the impact of the jock culture on mental health and the pressure to conform to societal expectations.

In recent years, there has been a shift in the perception of the jock aesthetic. While some negative aspects persist, there is a growing recognition of the importance of inclusivity and diversity within sports. Efforts have been made to challenge traditional gender norms, promote body positivity, and create more inclusive athletic spaces.

Today, the jock aesthetic continues to be a prominent subculture, embraced by individuals who admire and embody the qualities associated with athleticism and sportsmanship. It has also influenced fashion trends, with sporty attire and athletic-inspired fashion becoming popular beyond the realm of competitive sports.

Because Jocks are a stereotype associated with American high schools , that environment would be a part of the Jock aesthetic, in particular the tiled hallways, lockers, and trophy cases. A stereotypical scene with the "Jerk Jock" variant of the aesthetic is that they shove Nerds into these lockers, which makes this imagery linked to this subculture. Halls are also more often seen, as that would be the place in high schools where people talk between classes.

Of course, sports imagery , like football fields, gear associated with their sport, and the games themselves would be main visuals. In line with the traditional self-image of Jocks, this would include the glory aspect of winning while having a large crowd. So cheerleaders, dramatic lights, and grand entrances can be involved in the aesthetic.

Jocks are also associated with parties by virtue of being the "popular" kids, with these parties being thrown after games.

Jock fashion is short to medium-length haircuts that fit easily into helmets and easy to maintain. Accessories are related to sports like sweatbands, wristbands and headbands. Jocks also wear sneakers and letterman jackets, along with sport uniforms. If it's team merchandise, then it's in the colors of the team the jock is showing support for.

The Jock aesthetic is often seen as reinforcing traditional stereotypes of hypermasculinity and physical prowess, potentially perpetuating limited ideas of what it means to be a man. In the context of the Jock aesthetic, this can manifest in hypercompetitive behavior, a focus on physical strength and dominance, and the reinforcement of harmful gender norms. This can create an environment where vulnerability, empathy, and emotional expression are discouraged or stigmatized.

The intense competitive nature associated with the Jock aesthetic can sometimes lead to toxic behavior, such as aggressive sportsmanship, bullying, or a win-at-all-costs mentality. This can have negative impacts on individuals' mental and emotional well-being.

The aesthetic suggests that there is a devaluation of intellectual pursuits, academic achievements, and critical thinking in favor of physical prowess and athletic performance. This can create a culture that prioritizes physical abilities over intellectual pursuits, potentially leading to a lack of appreciation for education, curiosity, and the pursuit of knowledge.

It is often associated with the idea that excessive partying, alcohol consumption, and even the use of performance-enhancing substances are celebrated or normalized within jock culture. This can promote a dangerous and unhealthy lifestyle, leading to potential substance abuse issues, impaired judgment, and negative long-term health consequences.La Sape (an abbreviation of the French: Société des Ambianceurs et des Personnes Élégantes , or " Society of Ambiance-Makers and Elegant People ") is a highly formal and extravagant subculture centered in the Congolese capital cities of Kinshasa and Brazzaville. While its roots date to the 1920s, the movement accelerated in the 1970s, fueled by musician Papa Wemba, as a form of pacifist resistance and economic defiance. The Sapeurs (men) and Sapeuses (women) adhere to a strict sartorial code (Sapology), transforming their often precarious living conditions into an aesthetic of impeccable European dandyism , defined by vibrant designer suits, meticulous grooming, and a theatrical, elegant gait, symbolizing the triumph of self-respect over poverty.

La Sape fashion is diverse and experiments with a lot of styles. La Sape takes heavily from the Roaring Twenties culture of the 1920s, its origin decade, which correlates with a desire to be elegant and rich. Clothes are often obtained or sold secondhand from more first-world countries, notably France. Brands range from Weston, Kenzo, Giorgio Armani, Yves Saint Laurent, and more. Another important aspect of sapeur fashion is color combination. Clothes have to stand out, so sapeurs mix, match and combine different parts of their outfits to obtain a unique look. Said clothes are expensive however, therefore sapeurs save up a lot of money to get these outfits. Sapeurs tend to own multiple outfits rather than a singular outfit.

In recent years, females have begun to adopt the style as well. Sapeuses use the style to rebel against the status quo of being considered second-class citizens, where they dress the same as men.

A big part of sapeur culture is the competition aspect. On a typically-weekly basis, typically on Saturdays and Sundays, sapeurs prepare their outfits to show off in local fashion shows. The winner is determined by whose outfit can stand out the most. Sapuers have to show up on the stage for about four times each competition. Brazzaville is where La Sape is most popular.

There is criticism when it comes to La Sape. Most of all, one of these criticisms is that sapuers end up using the money they earn for themselves, rather than saving for food, family and other resources. Sapuers spend money on material possessions and high-price clothing while women and children are left to care for themselves. People have compared the movement to the Hypebeast culture, which implies that both flaunt their expensive clothes, and surround their personality around. As a result, buying expensive clothes even becomes an addiction to many sapuers.

Sapuers themselves consider their fashion to be a vital art form. As they live in areas of abject poverty where it is virtually impossible to hope for something better, they rebel in the best way available to them: by transforming themselves into living works of art and beauty. Because of this determination, they are arguably the best dressed people in the world, which is in itself a massive send-up of the wealthy and powerful.

Interestingly enough, OG Sapuers have their own personal code (similar to British the Dandies of the Victorian era) and many are Christian in their beliefs. (Many books on Dandism discuss this subject further.)

Sapuers have begun to appear in more popular culture in recent years. One such example is All The Stars by Kendrick Lamar and SZA , which features La Sape citizens within the music video. Jidenna's Classic Man also pays tribute to sapeur culture.

Videos

What is a SAPEUR? (Brazzaville, Congo)

The Congo Dandies (RT Documentary)

Articles

Meet the fearless female drag kings of conservative Africa

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La Sape tag on TumblrLad Culture , also known as Laddism , is a British youth subculture that emerged and peaked in the 1990s, characterized by an embrace of stereotypically working-class masculine interests, attitudes, and styles. The movement was heavily intertwined with the Britpop music scene, football fandom, and the rise of "lads' mags" like Loaded.

While often presented with irreverent humor, the subculture is widely criticized for its promotion of aggressive sexism, misogyny, and a "raunch culture" that normalized the objectification of women.

The original wave of Lad Culture coincided with the " Cool Britannia " cultural movement of the mid-1990s. It represented a backlash against the perceived intellectualism and androgyny of earlier youth movements, instead celebrating unapologetic, hedonistic masculinity. The magazine Loaded , launched in 1994, is considered to have defined the subculture's tone, offering a mix of music, football, and humor alongside photos of scantily-clad women. Musically, the movement was soundtracked by Britpop bands like Oasis and Blur.

The subculture has evolved and manifested in other countries. In Australia, a distinct "lad" subculture emerged from the 1990s street style scene, linked to UK " Chav " culture. It developed its own specific fashion uniform centered on brands like Nautica, Polo, and Nike. The attitudes of Lad Culture persisted through the 2000s and have seen various revivals, such as the "alt-lad" within the UK rock scene and the gym-focused "New Lad," which maintains the core ethos of "misbehaviour" and "collective vanity."

The fashion of Lad Culture has varied depending on the era and location, but it consistently draws from sportswear and casual brands. The 1990s Britpop lad was associated with football shirts, tracksuits (particularly Adidas), and parkas. In Australia, the lad uniform is more rigid, often consisting of a Nautica or Nike hat, a striped polo shirt, and Nike TN sneakers. The modern revival of the aesthetic often features tighter-fitting clothing, such as polo shirts worn two sizes too small and skinny jeans, reflecting a greater emphasis on a gym-honed physique.

Lad Culture is overwhelmingly criticized for its deep-seated misogyny and its role in creating a hostile environment for women. Critics describe the 1990s and 2000s as a time of "pervasive rape and raunch culture," where the objectification of women was normalized and any challenge to sexism was aggressively dismissed.

A central element of this was the proliferation of "lads' mags" like Loaded, FHM, and Zoo, which were condemned for their mix of sexist "banter" and the constant depiction of women as sexual objects. This media climate is cited as having directly contributed to a real-world culture where harassment and the violation of women's bodily autonomy were commonplace and often dismissed as a joke. The culture's anti-intellectual and often aggressive nature created an environment where it felt impossible for young women to speak out against the sexism they faced.Landevejsriddere (Danish for "Knights of the Road"), also known as Landevejens Farende Svende or simply Stodder , describes a Danish subculture of itinerant vagabonds who voluntarily live on the road. Distinct from the general homeless population who may lack housing due to socio-economic displacement, Landevejsriddere view their existence as a deliberate lifestyle choice characterized by specific traditions, hierarchies, and visual markers. The subculture centers on walking between major Danish market fairs during the spring and summer months, relying on odd jobs, knife sharpening, performance, and public generosity for survival.

The subculture emerged from the tradition of traveling journeymen and farmhands who moved between estates for seasonal work. While historically functional within the agricultural economy for tasks like knife sharpening or harvesting, the modernization of the Danish welfare state and labor market marginalized their role. In the late 20th century, the demographic shifted from itinerant workers to individuals rejecting societal norms, the "hamster wheel," or recovering from personal crises.

The population of active Landevejsriddere has declined significantly. Sources estimate that while the community numbered around 400 individuals in the late 20th century, only approximately 40 to 50 active members remained by the early 2020s. This decline is attributed to an aging population, the physical toll of the lifestyle, and stricter entry barriers enforced by older members in previous decades. Recent efforts by community leaders aim to lower barriers for younger recruits to prevent the subculture's extinction.

The Landevejsridder look is standardized and serves as a method of signaling status to peers and the public.

The primary attire consists of durable, weather-resistant clothing, frequently corduroy trousers and jackets. A defining garment is the vest, which is heavily decorated with metal pins, badges, and medals. These accouterments are not merely decorative but often signify specific achievements, market attendance, or status within the group. Headwear is mandatory, typically involving wide-brimmed felt hats or distinct caps; removing the hat ("striking the topsail") is a specific gesture of respect when approaching a stranger's door.

Unlike American hobos or modern backpackers, the Landevejsridder utilizes a modified pram ( barnevogn ) as a mobile base of operations. This pram transports all material possessions, including tents, sleeping bags, cooking equipment, and beer crates. The pram is often personalized with flags, signs, or trinkets.

Domestic dogs are integral to the practical life of the subculture, serving as protection, warmth, and companionship. The image of the walker, the pram, and the dog forms the archetypal silhouette of the aesthetic.

Unlike solitary transients, Landevejsriddere maintain a rigid internal hierarchy mimicking a monarchy. The community is led by a " Stodderkonge " (King), supported by a Dronning (Queen) and Kronprins (Crown Prince). These titles come with the responsibility of mediating internal disputes and maintaining order within the ranks.

The community converges annually at specific market fairs, most notably the Egeskov Marked in Kværndrup and the Hjallerup Marked. The Egeskov Marked serves as the venue for the annual election of the Stodderkonge. Admission into the subculture requires a probationary period, typically described as walking the road for two summers and one winter under the mentorship of an established member. Following this apprenticeship, a new member undergoes a "baptism" ritual where they receive a permanent road name, such as " Høvlen " (The Plane), " Teskeen " (The Teaspoon), or " Syvstjernen " (The Seven Star).

The lifestyle dictates a rejection of the "safety net" provided by the Danish welfare state. Survival is dependent on mobility. Historically, income was generated through mobile craftsmanship, specifically knife and scissor sharpening. In the contemporary era, income is derived from collecting bottle deposits, selling the street newspaper Hus Forbi , begging, or performing " gøgler " (clowning/entertainment) acts. Alcohol consumption, specifically beer, is central for social bonding and daily caloric intake. The code of conduct prohibits stealing, lying, and fighting among "Stodders," emphasizing communal loyalty over individual gain.The Leather Subculture is a social movement characterized by the eroticization and ceremonial use of black leather attire and symbols. Although leather has historically been an emblem of toughness, status, and warfare, the modern subculture emerged post-World War II, primarily within the gay male community, as a symbolic form of resistance against dominant American social and sexual conservatism.

Adherents often self-identify as " leathermen ," using the attire to communicate their sexual leanings and interests in power dynamics without overtly compromising their safety in hostile cultural environments.

The aesthetic's origins are rooted in the confluence of post-war military surplus, the rise of motorcycle culture, and the necessity of covert queer communication.

Leather culture originated in 1940s San Francisco and other major American cities, directly influenced by the newly established motorcycle clubs of the post-WWII era. Veterans, often struggling to re-assimilate into civilian life, found a sense of identity and refuge in motorcycle culture. They adopted the leather jackets, boots, and caps from army surplus stores, transforming items that symbolized military discipline into emblems of freedom, rebellion, and the open road.

The aesthetic achieved iconic status after the 1953 film The Wild One , where Marlon Brando's character, outfitted in a leather jacket, leather boots, and a Muir cap, provided the visual template for the subculture. This imitation was an act of subversion, reappropriating a classic symbol of hyper-normative masculinity for a nonconformist and queer identity.

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Throughout its history, the Leather Subculture faced immense persecution, which ironically strengthened its identity and sense of belonging.

During the 1970s and 1980s, police frequently raided leather bars, clubs, and bathhouses, targeting them more aggressively than other gay community spaces in an effort to criminalize homosexuality and disrupt subcultural resistance. The AIDS crisis further vilified the community, as gay men and leather culture were unfairly blamed for the disease's emergence and spread.

In response to this persecution, the community evolved from the highly exclusive "Old Guard" model to the more inclusive "New Guard," opening the culture to include non-white queers and trans men. This emphasis on collectivism, mutual pleasure, and authenticity created a sense of belonging and a rejection of the assimilationist imperative demanded by the normative culture.

The community is celebrated today through events like the International Mr. Leather (IML) competition, which began in 1979 and continues to promote the values of philanthropy, education, and inclusion within the subculture.Lolita ( ロリータ ) is a Japanese fashion-based subculture inspired by girls' and young women's clothing styles from the Victorian and Rococo periods. It grew from young women's desire to dress for themselves in a way that disregarded other people's opinions and women's fashion catered to the male gaze. The style is characterized by a distinctive silhouette, achieved from wearing petticoats underneath dresses or skirts with a specific cut. Decoration associated with historical girls' clothing, such as lace, bows, and ruffles, are a mandatory component of the fashion, but there are different substyles that utilize variations on this to create a different aesthetic.

This fashion is heavily associated with certain brands specializing in Lolita and different substyles, and Lolitas must purchase their clothes through these stores and the secondhand market instead of typical fashion retailers, which would not have such clothes.

Lolita is a subculture that revolves around fashion, so only people who wear the fashion are considered a part of it. Like other fashion subcultures, the emphasis is always on the clothing and the visuals not associated with the fashion are based on other aesthetics, such as Dollcore , Kawaii , or Gothic . However, there may be a "lifestyle" component to Lolita, wherein some Lolitas participate in princess-like activities such as tea-drinking. Participating in lifestyle elements is less popular and considered unnecessary from 2018-2020 onwards, and the fashion has always been focused on collecting garments and coordinating pieces together.

For more information on Lolita, feel free to visit the Lolita Fashion Wiki .

Lolita as a fashion has a long history with more than a single true origin. While the sweeter side of the fashion evolved from the fans of Otome (maiden) style brands during the 80s, the darker side has its roots among Visual Kei fans that were also known as "Trance Gals" (トランスギャル) around that time. The style in its current form came about in the 1990s, where it was photographed on the streets of Harajuku and featured in magazines like Fruits , Kera , and eventually Gothic & Lolita Bible was launched with a focus on it in 2001. The movie "Kamikaze Girls" released in 2004 resulted in a widespread knowledge of Lolita as the name of the fashion among the general public within Japan.

Before it was given a name, the fashion was generally seen as a "shoujo" style and it is assumed that Lolita was likely chosen because it sounded like a fancier word for an innocent girl. In order to differentiate from the book and to avoid adult content to show up, the fashion's name is commonly written as "ロリィタ", a different spelling with the same pronunciation, in Japanese instead of "ロリータ".

In addition to wearing the clothes, there is a tight-knit community with a shared history, inside jokes, a strong criticism culture, and multiple discussions that take place both in real life through local meet-ups and on social media spaces such as Discord channels, Facebook groups, the now unpopular LiveJournal, and the 4chan board /cgl/, which also includes cosplay. Tradition and following the general guidelines of Lolita is mandatory, and low-quality garments and bad styling is highly discouraged.

A person should also never come into Lolita spaces with the intent on sharing sexual feelings associated with DDLG and other kinks/fetishes, as the aesthetic is trying to escape sexualization and has had multiple encounters with daddy doms and sissy harassment. Much of this stems from a misconception that Lolita is related to Nymphet fashion due to the name, and that hyperfeminine presentation is equivalent to childlike presentation. The goal of Lolita fashion is to dress akin to a feminine doll, not a child.

Outside Japan, Lolita fashion has gained a strong foothold. Most Lolitas gather together to form communities with other Lolitas close to them. These communities gather together and wear the fashion in meetups, where they can enjoy the company of others who wear the same interests. Lolita communities also have a huge online presence, allowing people in rural areas to communicate, trade, and sell.

The style is not mass-marketed outside Japan, though small stores have emerged. Baby, The Stars Shine Bright, and Angelic Pretty both operate stores in Paris and San Francisco. Numerous indie brands and resellers have popped up all over the world. The Chinese site Taobao hosts scores of Lolita retailers who are can sell their designs internationally with shopping services like Spreenow. The Lolita secondhand market is booming on sites like LaceMarket and Facebook Marketplace.

A full Lolita outfit is called a "coord" or coordinate. Every outfit will include a dress or skirt to achieve the proper Lolita silhouette. Dresses are made with very full skirts to accommodate a petticoat. Lolita dresses are categorized as either JSKs or OPs. JSKs, or jumperskirts, are sleeveless dresses normally worn over a blouse, and OPs, or one-pieces, are worn without a blouse.

The tops worn with JSKs or skirts are either blouses or cutsews, which are tops made of jersey fabric. If the sleeves don't reach the wrists, it's customary to wear wrist cuffs or bracelets.

Shoes known as "tea party shoes" are the most popular option for footwear, but Mary Janes, boots, low heels, and Rocking Horse Shoes are worn just as often. Socks or tights keep the outfit balanced from head to toe.

Lolitas wear many different styles of headdress and hairstyles to balance out their skirts. Many other accessories can be worn with the fashion- other items include bloomers, wigs, jewelry, gloves, coats, capes, parasols, or bags.

Lolita can be divided into different substyles, notably Classic, Sweet, and Gothic, with multiple minor styles.

Classic Lolita is a more mature style of Lolita that focuses on elegance rather than cuteness . It is much more historically inspired than the other substyles.

A-line skirts are more popular in this style for their more demure shape. Colors and patterns used in classic Lolita are more subdued than the other styles. Popular colors are brown, wine red, sage green, cornflower blue, and ivory. This style features lots of solid colors but floral themes are popular, as well as prints of checkers, nature, tartan, and historical art.

Popular headdresses include bonnets, bows, and berets, although any accessory is possible as long as it complements the coord. Shoes and accessories are less whimsical and more functional. Bags tend to be simple, but it isn't unheard of to see a purse shaped like a chess piece or a violin.

The makeup used in Classic Lolita is often more muted and natural, highlighting the Lolita's natural features.

Classic Lolita brands include Juliette et Justine , Innocent World , Victorian Maiden , Triple Fortune , and Mary Magdalene .

Sweet Lolita is one of the most popular Lolita substyles. This style is characterized by lighter, brighter colors and more whimsical motifs.

It shares the same shape as other styles but is generally known to be "poofier", with larger petticoats. This style will often contain more trimmings, like lace, bows, and ruffles. Popular colors are baby pink, light blue, yellow, and white. Prints often feature fruit, flowers, lace, bows, sweet foods, candy, cute animals, and ribbons.

Headdresses, bonnets, and bows are a popular hair accessory to the Sweet Lolita look. Shoes are typically tea party shoes because of their cute design. Bags and purses will often take the shape of fruits, crowns, hearts, stars, and stuffed animals.

Makeup for Sweet Lolita is very whimsical and pretty. Pastel colors and subtle glitter are popular elements to balance out the decadence of the dress.

From 2009-2014, sweet Lolita was all the rage and it was very popular to wear multiple hair accessories, a wig, circle lenses, fake lashes, deco nails, and wear more elaborate makeup. That style is now called OTT (Over The Top) Sweet Lolita.

Examples of Sweet Lolita brands are Angelic Pretty , Baby , The Stars Shine Bright , and Metamorphose temps de fille .

Gothic Lolita is characterized by its darker, Gothic inspired, aesthetic. This substyle is a fusion of Lolita fashion and the Japanese Gothic subculture of the 1990s.

Gothic Lolita fashion is characterized by darker colors and themes. It tends to be more experimental. Popular colors include black, grey, navy blue, dark red, purple, white, and ivory. It is common to see motifs of crosses, gothic architecture, bats, coffins, and chandeliers.

Gothic Lolita accessories can be more experimental. Rectangle headdresses, bonnets, and bows are popular, but you can also see wide-brim hats, crowns, horns, or antlers. Shoes vary widely- Mary Janes, boots, and platform shoes are all acceptable. Bags and purses can be simple or shaped like coffins or bats, etc.

Makeup for Gothic Lolita can be dark and dramatic. Black is popular for the eyes and lips, but there is no end to what matches a black dress.

Brands that exemplify the Gothic Lolita style include Atelier-Pierrot , Atelier Boz , Alice and the pirates , and Moi-même-Moitié .

Moi-même-Moitié was the first Gothic Lolita brand, founded by Visual Kei rock musician Mana in 1999. Mana was the first figurehead of the fashion and is often jokingly referred to as a god. His brand released two lines of clothing, Elegant Gothic Lolita (EGL) and Elegant Gothic Aristocrat (EGA). EGL has still used as a label for the Lolita community and the EGA line started Aristocrat fashion.

Punk Lolita is a sub-style of Lolita that is inspired by Western Punk and Teenpunk aesthetics. It uses similar motifs such as tartan, deconstruction, chains, studs, safety pins, asymmetrical hemlines, rips, grommets, buckles, and spikes. It is inspired by Vivienne Westwood and her influences in the UK. Unlike the Western punk style, Punk Lolita can consist of frilly skirts paired with cutsews or a more delicate blouse with a tougher skirt, and then accessorized with feminine accessories to lighten the look. Print motifs are crowns, butterflies, roses, playing card suits, skulls, and grungy or slightly creepy cute characters.

Is a Lolita style inspired by the vast open countryside and Victorian farms. It is often a mix of Sweet Lolita and Classic Lolita. The Country Lolita style is often marked by the use of wicker or straw accessories such as basket purses or straw hats. Sometimes the addition of straw accessories is the only defining feature between Country and Classic or Sweet Lolita. Gingham and food prints are popular for this style. It's also common to see straw hats or wicker bags. Think Anne of Green Gables or Dorothy from The Wizard of Oz.

Is the old (90s, early 2000s) version of Lolita fashion. It is visually very different from modern Lolita, so it is often referred to as a separate sub-style. Compared to Lolita now, it was more "frumpy". Fabrics were often solid, tartan, or gobelin. Petticoats, matching, and a full coord of Lolita pieces were unnecessary. Old School Lolita is still frequently worn in this day and age, much to the delight of nostalgic veterans.

These styles of Lolita are based around certain motifs that often connect to the substyles above. They are different from substyles in that they are themed around a certain profession or persona, with a more limited color palette and coording capability in comparison to the broader substyles.

This list contains works that either center around Lolita or heavily inspired its aesthetic. Most of the works do not revolve around Lolita fashion in itself as their topic, so don't expect any educational content on how to wear it.

Artists incorporating Lolita include:

Lolita has often been criticized for being an elitist fashion with mean-spirited individuals who overly judge others. In the subculture, there is a belief that there is a proper way of wearing the fashion, and a wrong one. When people who are new to Lolita often are not familiar with outfit-making and clothing quality post their outfits, there will be responses giving constructive criticism that would be more strict and at times intimidating than what people are used to from other fashions and hobbies. If a person refuses to accept the criticism (which often involves a large time and money investment), the community would shun the poster and might make fun of them in places dedicated specifically to discussing outfit fails.

There is also criticism when it comes to buying Lolita fashion. The price for a full outfit is a lot higher than in conventional fashion due to the sheer number of pieces required in making it, with clothing from the core Japanese brands being valued higher than cheaper alternatives. Because of this, some people, mostly those who are new, criticize Lolita for being too expensive. In return, established Lolitas are often confused by such claims, highlighting that owning Lolita fashion is a luxury and not a necessity for living, while referring to secondhand sales as a cheap alternative to buying new Lolita clothes.

In addition, attempts to do the fashion on a budget are often not considered "good" Lolita because clothing not intended for Lolita has a tailoring unsuitable for the fashion, and cheaper brands often have an aesthetic that is seen as unpolished in comparison to the established Lolita brands. More invested Lolitas may see those who don't invest much in their wardrobe as not being as serious as Lolitas who spend more, which increases the criticism of Lolitas favoring wealthier individuals and excluding poorer ones.

Additionally, the online community can be actively and unjustifiably malicious. On 4chan's /cgl/ board, there is a group of self-proclaimed Lolitas that are TERFs (female transphobes) and/or are very fatphobic. Those wearing the fashion while not being cis female or slender are often called "ita" (Japanese Lolita slang for "painful") despite wearing proper Lolita outfits. In the board, people are often called slurs, accused of being sexual predators, labeled as cringe , and made fun of in deeply personal way in the "ita thread", which is dedicated to posting people who are deemed itas. This even extends to women who are simply not conventionally attractive.

Vendetta posting is also incredibly common on /cgl/. Usually caused by interpersonal conflicts, a person would try to cyberbully a Lolita through the ita thread in an effort to get them to leave the fashion. In many cases, Lolitas have left the community due to the harassment caused by those toxic posts.

However, note that not all Lolitas are toxic, and the community can be kind and welcoming so long as a Lolita curates their online experience.MDLR is an acronym for the French phrase Mec de la Rue , meaning "boy from the street." It is a contemporary youth subculture in Spain, characterized by a specific style of streetwear, a connection to the Spanish drill and street rap music scene, and an ethos centered on neighborhood loyalty and working-class pride.

The term and its associated aesthetic were popularized by the Spanish-Moroccan rapper Morad. The subculture is widely seen as the modern evolution of the earlier, often derogatory, Cani stereotype. However, MDLR is distinguished by its self-aware reclamation of a working-class, often migrant, identity.

The term Mec de la Rue originates from the French rap scene, used to describe young people from the peripheral, working-class neighborhoods ( banlieues ) of French cities. The acronym "MDLR" was introduced to a mass Spanish audience and codified as a subculture by the rapper Morad, who released a song titled " MDLR " that became an anthem for the movement.

The aesthetic originated in the late 2010s and early 2020s as a direct successor to the classic Spanish working-class Cani subculture of the 2000s. It retains some of the Cani's focus on sportswear and brand consciousness but updates it with a new set of visual codes and, most importantly, a different social and political meaning. While the Cani was often an object of parody and classist mockery, the MDLR identity is a form of self-definition and pride, particularly for young people of migrant descent in Spain's working-class suburbs.

The MDLR uniform is a modern evolution of the Cani 's sportswear-based style, adapted with influences from French and British street fashion. While the classic Cani wore a baseball cap, the MDLR often wears a balaclava. The primary mode of transport is no longer a tuned car but an electric scooter.

Key garments and accessories include:

MDLR is a conscious reclamation of working-class identity. As sociologist Carlos Peláez notes, "To be a 'boy from the street' is always better than being a "lowlife" ( barriobajero ). It's a way of granting dignity and respect to an experience of life that occurs in precarity." By embracing the "MDLR" label, adherents turn a potentially stigmatized identity into a source of pride, in direct opposition to the more formal, upper-class Cayetanos . This is summed up by Iago Moreno's observation that "for the first time, it is the migrant working-class youth who are setting a cultural trend, having always been on the margins."

The MDLR subculture is tied Spanish drill and street rap, especially the artist Morad. The lyrics often detail the realities of life in marginalized neighborhoods ( el barrio ). Common themes include poverty, the importance of friendship and loyalty, criticism of the police and other authorities, and the struggles of street life.The Mafia aesthetic , also called Mafiacore , is a style based entirely on the romanticized and fictionalized portrayals of the Italian-American Mafia in popular culture, particularly in 20th-century cinema and television. This aesthetic is not a reflection of real-world organized crime but is instead a constructed image of power, loyalty, and luxury, heavily codified by iconic films like The Godfather (1972) and Goodfellas (1990), and later explored in the television series The Sopranos .

The visual style is characterized by sharp, dark suits, pinstripes, fedoras, and overcoats, often set against a backdrop of dimly lit Italian restaurants, classic luxury cars, and smoke-filled back rooms. Thematically, the aesthetic revolves around fictional tropes of unwavering family loyalty, strict codes of honor, the tension between business and personal life, and inevitable betrayal.

Generally, aestheticizing the mafia tends to be a contentious topic, and it's important to distinguish this media-driven fantasy from the violent reality of the criminal organizations it portrays, as these depictions often glamorize a world of crime and reinforce harmful stereotypes about Italians and Italian-Americans.

The Mafia aesthetic is a dark, glamorous, and nostalgic style heavily influenced by the style of classic gangster films and film noir . The settings are typically dimly lit and atmospheric, ranging from the smoke-filled back rooms of upscale Italian restaurants to shadowy alleyways, opulent mansions, and underground casinos with red velvet curtains. The look is defined by its characters: the male mobster is almost always seen in a sharp, tailored suit (often pinstriped), a fedora, and a long overcoat. The female counterpart is the glamorous Mob Wife or Femme Fatale , dressed in form-fitting, elegant dresses and expensive jewelry. Key props that complete the scene include classic luxury cars like Cadillacs and Lincolns, cigars, fine Italian food and wine, and iconic weaponry such as the Tommy gun. The entire aesthetic is often captured with high-contrast, black-and-white photography or a muted color palette that emphasizes shadows and a sense of power and danger.

The fashion of the Mafia aesthetic is based on distinct, gendered archetypes drawn from film and television. The male "mobster" look is defined by a uniform of power and formality, centered on impeccably tailored suits, often pinstriped or in dark colors, paired with crisp button-up shirts, overcoats, and the iconic fedora. This look is accessorized with items that signify wealth and status, such as gold signet rings, chains, and luxury watches. The female aesthetic, often referred to as the " Mob Wife " on TikTok, projects glamour and opulence. It is characterized by form-fitting cocktail dresses, luxurious fur coats, high heels, and extravagant jewelry, particularly diamonds. This style often overlaps with the Femme Fatale trope.

The aesthetic is often associated with the music of the mid-20th century, particularly genres like Big Band, Jazz, Opera, and traditional pop. Artists frequently used in this aesthetic include Frank Sinatra, Dean Martin, Louis Prima, and Tony Bennett.

The Mafia aesthetic is highly contentious because it glamorizes and romanticizes real-world criminal organizations responsible for immense societal harm. The primary criticism is that media portrayals often create a fictional narrative focused on tropes of honor and style, which trivialize the brutal reality of organized crime, including murder, extortion, and systemic corruption.

This glamorization is particularly problematic as it perpetuates harmful ethnic stereotypes with deep historical roots. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Italian immigrants in the United States faced intense hostility and were often characterized by the media and public figures as being culturally or genetically disposed to criminality. This prejudice led to violent persecution, including one of the worst mass lynchings in U.S. history in 1891, where eleven Italian men in New Orleans were killed by a mob after being associated with the "Mafia."

By conflating various distinct criminal organizations (such as the Sicilian Cosa Nostra , the Calabrian 'Ndrangheta , and the Neapolitan Camorra ) into a single, generic "Mafia" archetype, the modern aesthetic inadvertently draws from and reinforces these century-old, anti-immigrant stereotypes.The Maid aesthetic revolves around maid outfits, popularized by Japanese pop culture and the anime industry. While it has roots in the traditional French maid concept, the modern maid aesthetic evolved largely from the influence of anime, particularly during the 1990s and early 2000s, as well as the introduction of maid cafés in Akihabara, Tokyo. The maid aesthetic embodies a blend of innocence, cuteness , and dedication, sometimes drawing on subversive or mature elements. The maid dress is frequently incorporated into other aesthetics, including E-Girl , Femboy , and Animecore .

French maid was a term applied in the Victorian and early 20th century periods to a lady's maid of French nationality. A lady’s maid was a senior servant who reported directly to the lady of the house, and accompanied her mistress on travel. She helped her mistress with her appearance, including make-up, hairdressing, clothing, jewelry, and shoes, and sometimes served as confidante. A maid of French nationality was considered likely to be more expert in current fashions, and was also able to apply her knowledge of the French language when travelling in Europe.

The term French maid is now often applied to an eroticized and strongly modified style of servant's dress that evolved from typical housemaid's black-and-white afternoon uniforms of 19th-century France, despite a housemaid being junior to a lady’s maid. Some styles are conservative while others are revealing. The French maid costume is often used in cosplay, sexual roleplaying, and uniform fetishism. Depending on design details, some forms can be classified as lingerie.

The modern Maid aesthetic traces its roots back to the 2000s in Japan, largely influenced by the popularity of anime and manga that often featured cute, loyal maid characters. These depictions in media, along with the rise of maid-centric shows like Mahoromatic and Maid-sama! , contributed to the cultural fascination with maids. While the French maid costume, often seen in burlesque or erotic contexts in the West, inspired the visuals, the Japanese maid aesthetic took a different direction, focusing on cuteness (kawaii).

Maid cafes first appeared in the Akihabara district of Tokyo in 2001. Akihabara, known for its electronics and otaku culture, was the perfect place for this fusion of anime and interactive entertainment. The first permanent maid café, Cure Maid Café, introduced the concept of "maids" serving customers while wearing elaborate maid uniforms and adhering to specific behavioral tropes inspired by anime characters. The success of this café paved the way for other similar establishments to pop up across Japan, eventually becoming a staple of Japanese pop culture.

Modern maid café outfits have evolved over time. While the classic black-and-white French maid uniform is still the most recognizable, many maid cafes have introduced bright, pastel-colored variations of the traditional outfit. These include pinks, blues, and purples, and often incorporate playful elements like ribbons, bows, and lace.

The maid aesthetic is characterized by the iconic maid dress, usually featuring a ruffled apron, lace accents, and puffed sleeves. Traditionally, these outfits are black and white, symbolizing the classic contrast of servant uniforms. However, modern interpretations often use bright pastels, such as pink, blue, and lavender, making the aesthetic more playful and kawaii .

Alterations to any of the items listed below is common to fit a desired look/aesthetic.

While maid cafes originally focused on French maid-style outfits, they have evolved to include many subgenres, like "cat maids" who wear cat ears/tails or Chinese-inspired maids in colorful cheongsam dresses, the Jersey Maid style, as well as male femboy maids. The concept of maid cafes has also inspired "concept cafes," which go beyond maids into other Japanese fashion aesthetics, such as Yami Kawaii and Gothic Lolita .

Maids must emphasize cuteness, often taking on a childlike, innocent persona. Some maids take on more mischievous or playful personas, teasing customers in a lighthearted way, while others stick to a more demure and traditional service style. They refer to customers with honorific titles like "Master" or "Mistress" and engage in kawaii activities, such as drawing smiley faces on food with ketchup or performing little dances when serving drinks.

Because maids are mainly associated with Maid Cafes, gardens and mansions, and/or eroticism, some fragrance types that suit the maid aesthetic well might be gourmand and spicy fragrances (popular notes of which being coffee, honey, cinnamon, and cacao), as well as floral, woody, and oriental fragrances (popular notes of which being rose, jasmine, sandalwood, and incense).

Examples:

Artists incorporating maid outfits include:Mandrake , also known by regional names such as Maloka or Cria , is a prominent Brazilian social identity that originated within the Funk Carioca music scene of the favelas in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. It is primarily associated with low-income teenagers and young adults and is defined by a distinct fashion style, a specific musical taste rooted in funk, and a shared set of cultural codes and slang. The subculture is a complex expression of identity, ambition, and defiance in the face of social and economic inequality.

The musical foundation of the Mandrake subculture is funk carioca, a genre that developed in the Black communities of Rio de Janeiro in the 1970s and 80s through the reinterpretation and localization of American Miami Bass. As funk spread, it became a primary cultural voice for the favelas. The distinct Mandrake style began to coalesce in the 2000s, a period of significant economic growth in Brazil. Increased access to consumer goods for the working class gave rise to a new subgenre of funk called Funk Ostentação ("Ostentation Funk"). This music, and the culture around it, shifted focus to the conspicuous display of wealth, brand names, and luxury items as symbols of success and overcoming poverty.

While the term is widely believed to be an etymological reference to the American comic strip character Mandrake the Magician—owing to the character's sharp dress—in the Brazilian context, it has evolved to signify someone who is 'slick,' resourceful, or impressively stylish within the favela environment. The alternative name Maloka derives from maloca , a term for indigenous huts that later became associated with impoverished housing.

The subculture's development in the 2000s also created cultural friction with the concurrent rise of alternative scenes like emo , goth , and punk , leading to mutual animosity rooted in socioeconomic differences, as "Mandrake" was often viewed as a street-level expression of the working class, while scenes like emo and goth were frequently perceived as middle-class or Western-centric.

The Mandrake aesthetic, known as being "chave" (literally "key," meaning stylish or on point), is centered on projecting an image of status and success. The fashion is heavily influenced by sportswear and international brands. Key clothing items include football club jerseys, brand-name tracksuits, board shorts, and athletic sneakers. Accessories are crucial for displaying wealth and include prominent gold or silver chains, watches, earrings, and large, mirrored sunglasses.

Grooming is also a significant part of the look, with popular styles including dyed hair and thin, striped eyebrows. This visual identity serves as a form of social armor and a declaration of ambition, representing a desire to be seen and respected in a society that often marginalizes the poor.

The Mandrake lifestyle is deeply communal, centered around street gatherings, bailes funk, and shared activities like customizing and performing stunts on motorcycles (a practice known as grau ). However, the subculture is viewed with significant prejudice by mainstream and upper-class Brazilian society, which often stereotypes its adherents as criminals. This stereotype is reinforced by lyrics in some funk subgenres and an attitude of confrontational defiance that can be part of the Mandrake persona.

Internally, the subculture navigates complex social realities. While it celebrates ostentation and financial success, many participants remain in low-income jobs. The pursuit of wealth is seen as a form of resistance against a system perceived as exclusionary.

The lyrical content of funk music is a major source of controversy. Critics frequently accuse the genre of promoting misogyny, crime, and the hypersexualization of women, citing the use of terms like " novinha " (young girl) to refer to minors. However, this is not a universally held sentiment within the culture, and many songs also explore themes of community, struggle, and romance. Another point of criticism is the phenomenon of cultural appropriation by wealthier individuals (" Enzos "), who adopt the Mandrake style without having lived the social reality from which it originated.

The soundtrack to the Mandrake subculture is overwhelmingly funk carioca, in its many forms. Beyond Funk Ostentação, other major subgenres include Funk Proibidão ("Forbidden Funk"), which features lyrics about crime and drug trafficking, and the modern, high-tempo 150 BPM style that dominates parties. Prominent producers like KondZilla have been instrumental in popularizing the genre's visuals through high-production music videos. The music is the centerpiece of the baile funk (funk ball), massive street parties that are the primary social gathering for the subculture.

The social environment from which the Mandrake subculture emerged has been the subject of internationally acclaimed Brazilian cinema. While these films often predate or do not directly focus on the Mandrake aesthetic itself, they are crucial for understanding the realities of life in the favelas, depicting the struggles with poverty, violence, and the search for identity that shaped the subculture.
Key films include Fernando Meirelles's City of God (2002), which chronicles the rise of organized crime in a Rio de Janeiro favela from the 1960s to the 1980s. Walter Salles's Central Station (1998) offers a more intimate look at life in Rio, while José Padilha's Elite Squad (2007) portrays the violent conflicts between police and drug traffickers. More recently, the Netflix series Sintonia (2019) directly engages with São Paulo's funk scene, offering a contemporary look at the lives of young people navigating the worlds of music, crime, and religion within the favela.Manguebeat (also spelled as Manguebit ) is a Brazilian countercultural movement that originated in Recife, Pernambuco, in 1991. It integrates diverse musical genres, blending traditional Northeastern rhythms such as maracatu , coco, and ciranda with contemporary influences from rock, hip-hop, funk, and electronic music. The movement's aesthetic is characterized by vibrant colors, particularly white, blue, yellow, red, and green, often echoing the patterns found in maracatu performances. Manguebeat is rooted in social and environmental critique, addressing issues like poverty, inequality, and the preservation of the mangrove ecosystem, which serves as a primary symbolic reference. The movement sought to revitalize Pernambuco's cultural scene by combining local traditions with global pop culture elements.

The term "mangue" was conceived by Chico Science, a pivotal figure in the movement, while "beat" was later appended by the media. Its core symbols include the crab, an animal central to the mangrove ecosystem, and a parabolic dish metaphorically "stuck in the mud," symbolizing the fusion of traditional local culture with modern global influences. Individuals participating in Manguebeat are referred to as Manguegirls and Mangueboys .

The Manguebeat movement originated in Recife, Pernambuco, in 1991, emerging as a counterculture response to the region's cultural stagnation and pervasive social inequality. In the early 1990s, Recife faced significant challenges, including poverty and a limited local cultural scene. This environment contrasted with the Movimento Armorial of the 1970s, which, while seeking to preserve Northeastern culture, was perceived by some as conservative and isolating. The democratic opening of Brazil in the 1980s, marked by the end of military dictatorship and relaxed censorship, facilitated increased contact with international pop culture. This shift fostered a more politically aware and protest-oriented artistic scene in Recife.

Chico Science, along with Fred Zero Quatro, Renato L, Mabuse, and Héder Aragão, conceptualized Manguebeat. It fused traditional Pernambucan rhythms like maracatu, coco, and ciranda with contemporary genres such as hip-hop, rock, funk, and electronic music. The movement aimed for a cultural revitalization of Pernambuco by blending traditional and modern elements, ensuring regional culture remained relevant to younger generations. The term "mangue" was coined by Chico Science, referring to the mangrove ecosystems common in Brazil's Northeast, while the "beat" component was added by the media. This choice symbolized the connection between the urban environment and the region's cultural roots.

The movement's core ideas were articulated in the " Caranguejos com Cérebro " (Crabs with Brains) manifesto, written by Fred Zero Quatro in 1992. This document criticized Recife's cultural inertia and social issues, proposing Manguebeat as a source of renewal. The manifesto used the metaphor of "installing a parabolic dish in the mud" to represent the fusion of tradition and modernity, while also critiquing the introduction of new technologies amid existing poverty.

The 1994 album " Da Lama ao Caos " by Chico Science & Nação Zumbi became a definitive release for Manguebeat, featuring a blend of rhythms and lyrics that addressed the region's social and cultural conditions. The movement's rise experienced a setback in 1997 with the death of Chico Science in a car accident. Despite this, Manguebeat left a lasting influence on subsequent generations of musicians and artists across Pernambuco and Brazil, impacting music, cinema, fashion, and visual arts by promoting diversity and a unique cultural identity.

The Manguebeat movement extended beyond music, encompassing various forms of artistic expression. Its visual style embraced vibrant and eclectic imagery, reflecting the cultural diversity and energy inherent in the movement's fusion of traditional and contemporary elements. A central visual symbol is the crab , representing the inhabitants of Recife's mangrove ecosystem and their resilience. Another significant visual motif is the parabolic dish in the mud , which symbolizes the connection between local traditions and global modernity, while also serving as a critique of technological advancement amidst poverty.

The aesthetic frequently incorporated colorful and dynamic designs , drawing inspiration from the vibrant palettes found in maracatu performances, which often feature psychedelic patterns. Visual manifestations of Manguebeat were evident in urban spaces through graffiti and murals , which depicted the movement's themes and symbols. The movement's artistic reach extended into cinema, photography, and theater . Examples include stage productions such as Caranguejo Overdrive and Cão sem Plumas , which incorporated Manguebeat aesthetics, metaphors, and visual elements like projected imagery. Audiovisual productions, including the series Lama dos Dias and the documentary Chico Science: um caranguejo elétrico .

Manguebeat fashion served as a form of social commentary and an expression of local cultural identity. The core principle involved dressing with available resources while valuing the region's traditions. This aesthetic blended elements of traditional Pernambucan attire, such as straw hats, with modern clothing items including printed shirts and dark glasses. The style often incorporated animal prints and favored thrifted or inexpensive garments, reflecting a resourceful and anti-elitist approach to personal expression.

Manguebeat music is defined by its stylistic fusion, which blends traditional Northeastern Brazilian rhythms with diverse contemporary genres. It incorporates elements from maracatu, frevo, coco, forró, and embolada, integrating them with sounds from alternative rock, hip-hop , funk , ragga, soul, and electronic music. The instrumentation typically includes electric guitar, bass, and drums, complemented by traditional percussion instruments such as alfaia and caixa, alongside modern elements like samplers.

This musical approach created a distinct sound that sought to bridge disparate influences. Fred Zero Quatro described this as a fusion connecting figures from punk rock like Johnny Rotten with Brazilian pop artists like Jorge Ben and samba musicians like Moreira da Silva. The result was a sound that embraced a Brazilian new wave, intentionally distinct from both conventional rock and traditional Brazilian Popular Music (MPB). The inclusion of electronic music influences is explicitly noted in the "bit" component of the name "Manguebit," signifying the integration of computer-based sounds and modern production.Maranza is a contemporary Italian urban subculture that originated in the suburbs of Milan. While the term dates back to the 1980s as a synonym for "boor" or "bully," it underwent a massive viral resurgence in the 2020s on TikTok, evolving into a specific aesthetic and behavioral identity primarily associated with second-generation North African youth living in the urban peripheries.

The subculture is characterized by a "pack" mentality, territorial pride, and a musical foundation in Trap and Drill. While frequently associated with micro-criminality and social friction, the aesthetic has become a significant influence on mainstream Italian street fashion.

The term "Maranza" is believed to be a portmanteau coined by the 1980s Paninari subculture, merging the word marocchino (Moroccan) with zanza (a Milanese slang term for a small-time thief or hustler). Historically used as a derogatory classist slur, the modern generation has reclaimed the term with pride.

The modern "Maranza-style" exploded in the early 2020s, heavily influenced by the French racaille and British roadman archetypes. It gained international visibility through the success of Milanese rappers like Rondodasosa, whose cobalt blue aesthetic helped codify the subculture's fashion aesthetic.

The Maranza aesthetic combines elements of technical sportswear, luxury fashion (often counterfeit), and "cheap Gorpcore ." The look is designed to be conspicuous and intimidating, serving as a signal of group identity within the urban periphery.

The primary garment of the Maranza wardrobe is the matching tracksuit, typically made of acetate or technical fabric. While Nike Tech Fleece is the standard, the aesthetic also incorporates accessible outdoor brands like Quechua and Kipsta (popularized by Decathlon), reflecting a utilitarian influence derived from British Roadman culture. This "cheap gorpcore" is occasionally elevated by high-end pieces, such as Arc'teryx jackets, a trend popularized by the rapper Rondodasosa.

The most essential accessories are the sacoche or borsello , a small crossbody bag worn tightly against the chest. These bags are frequently branded Gucci or Louis Vuitton and are often counterfeit replicas. Footwear is almost exclusively the Nike Air Max Plus (TN), known colloquially as "Sharks" or "Squalo," valued for their aggressive profile. In summer or evening settings, this may be swapped for slide sandals worn with contrasting socks.

The physical grooming of the subculture is equally distinct. The standard hairstyle features shaved sides with a perm or bleached curls on top, a style that has recently crossed over into mainstream Italian youth culture. Facial accessories include oversized, reflective cyclist sunglasses (often with iridescent lenses) and, particularly in winter, balaclavas, which serve both an aesthetic function and a practical purpose for anonymity.

The Maranza lifestyle is associated with the Italian Drill and Trap genres, which mirror the themes of social exclusion, territorial pride, and conflict with law enforcement found in French and British "urban" music. The subculture does not merely consume this music but broadcasts it; a common behavioral trait is the use of portable Bluetooth speakers to play music publicly in gathering spots like the Darsena or Navigli in Milan.

Lyrically and musically, the scene is heavily influenced by the French banlieue sound. The track " Alicante " by the Marseille-based rapper Gambino is widely considered to be the anthem of the Maranza generation, bridging the gap between North African roots and European urban reality. Domestically, the subculture is represented by artists such as Baby Gang, Simba La Rue, and Rondodasosa. These figures transformed what was once a derogatory slur into a commercially viable "gangster" aesthetic that dominates the Italian charts.Metrosexual is an informal term for a man who exhibits a strong interest in personal grooming, fashion, and an overall cultivated appearance. The term was coined in 1994 by journalist Mark Simpson as a portmanteau of "metropolitan" and "heterosexual."

It describes men, often residing in or near urban centers, who embrace consumer practices stereotypically associated with women or gay men, such as investing in skincare products, designer clothing, and cosmetic treatments. While originally defined by Simpson as potentially fluid in sexual orientation, the term gained popular usage primarily to describe heterosexual men who challenged traditional masculine norms by openly prioritizing their aesthetic presentation and personal indulgence. This aesthetic gained widespread cultural prominence in the late 1990s and 2000s, reflecting shifts in consumer markets and evolving perceptions of masculinity in a post-industrial society.

Metrosexual fashion is characterized by a deliberate attention to clothing, fit, and overall presentation. This extends beyond basic attire to encompass careful coordination of outfits and selection of appropriate footwear for different occasions. While traditional menswear items such as suits, khakis, polo shirts, boat shoes, and dress shoes may be worn, the emphasis is on their cut, quality, and how they contribute to a cultivated appearance. Personal grooming is an integral component of the fashion, involving meticulous care for hair on the head, face, and body, as well as practices like eyebrow shaping or waxing. Accessories such as man bags and silk scarves are incorporated as part of a detailed and considered ensemble. The style reflects a man's investment in his aesthetic, focusing on clean-cut features and a trim, tidy presentation.Milipili is a youth subculture and fashion aesthetic that emerged in Argentina in the early 2020s and gained viral popularity on platforms like TikTok. The name is a portmanteau of "Milagros" and "Pilar," two personal names common among the Argentine upper class, and the term is used to describe a style and social group associated with affluent, trend-conscious young women.

The aesthetic is a maximalist and often revealing reinterpretation of late 1990s and early 2000s fashion, blending elements of Y2K and McBling . The uniform is characterized by garments like low-rise pants, crop tops, ripped or distressed clothing, and platform boots. While initially a pejorative term for conceited, wealthy youth, "Milipili" has evolved to primarily describe this specific fashion trend, which is heavily shown at music festivals like Lollapalooza Argentina.

Some common elements of Milipili fashion are:Military Chic is a broad and enduring fashion trend that incorporates the styles, silhouettes, fabrics, and functional details of military uniforms into civilian, particularly women's, fashion. The aesthetic is defined by a combination of traditionally masculine, utilitarian elements with feminine styles, creating a look that can convey strength, authority, and confidence.

The style is not a single, static look but has reinvented itself for decades, drawing from different eras of military history. It can range from the glamorous and ornate, inspired by 19th-century dress uniforms, to the practical and rugged, based on 20th-century combat gear. Key elements include a color palette of khaki and olive, the use of camouflage print, and specific garments like military jackets and combat boots.

The practice of civilians borrowing from military attire began as early as the Napoleonic period (1793–1815), when the elaborate and colorful uniforms of the era were at their peak. The glamour and patriotism associated with these uniforms led tailors and dressmakers to adopt details like brass buttons, gold braid, and epaulettes for civilian wear.

The modern, more utilitarian version of Military Chic has its roots in the 20th century. The practicality of military clothing, designed for durability and function, made it appealing for everyday life. The adoption of khaki, for example, began with the British Army in India and later became a staple color in civilian fashion. Iconic garments like the trench coat and the bomber jacket both originated as military-issue items and were later absorbed into mainstream style.

In contemporary fashion, designers frequently return to military themes. Collections by brands like Prada and Balmain have featured pared-back, minimalist interpretations of military style, while others embrace a more direct and rugged look. The trend remains a constant, reinventing itself with each new season.

The Military Chic aesthetic is built around a core set of garments, colors, and prints that are directly derived from military uniforms.

The most iconic garment is the army-style jacket. This can take many forms, from a simple field jacket to a more formal, double-breasted coat with embellished buttons and fringed epaulettes. Cargo pants and leggings with multiple pockets are also a key part of the look. The primary color palette is composed of khaki, olive green, tan, and brown, which are often worn in monochrome ensembles.

The most recognizable print is camouflage, which is used on everything from trousers to tank tops. While the traditional green and brown camo is most common, fashion-forward versions in brighter, more feminine colors like pink or blue also exist. The defining footwear of the aesthetic is a pair of rugged combat boots, such as Dr. Martens, which are often worn with leggings or to add a tough edge to a dress or skirt.Military Lolita (ミリロリ) is a substyle of Japanese Lolita fashion that incorporates the structured, formal, and decorative elements of historical military uniforms into the classic Lolita silhouette. The aesthetic is defined by its fusion of the cute and elegant aspects of Lolita with a commanding and disciplined presence.

The style achieves a balance between the delicate femininity of Lolita and the authoritative structure of military attire. It is a broad category with many different interpretations, but it has also become one of the most controversial substyles within the Lolita community due to the use of historically sensitive and offensive imagery by some brands.

The Military Lolita style draws inspiration from a wide range of historical military uniforms, with a particular emphasis on the ornate European dress uniforms of the 18th and 19th centuries, such as those from the Napoleonic and Victorian eras. These periods are favored for their elegant and decorative details, which translate well into the opulent aesthetic of Lolita fashion. The substyle is not about modern combat wear, but about a romanticized and historical vision of military formality.

The Military Lolita aesthetic is defined by its structured garments and decorative details that directly reference military uniforms, while still adhering to the Lolita silhouette.

The centerpiece of a Military Lolita coordinate is often a structured, tailored jacket or coat. These jackets are typically double-breasted and adorned with gold buttons, decorative braids, and epaulettes on the shoulders. Blouses often feature high collars and military-style details. These tops are paired with the standard Lolita bell-shaped or A-line skirt, which is often pleated to add to the sense of formal structure. The color palette is dominated by dark, formal colors such as black, navy blue, deep green, khaki, and burgundy.

Structured military-style hats or caps, often decorated with insignia or braid, are a common element. Medals and insignia are used as brooches or pinned to the jacket to enhance the military theme. Footwear is typically formal and structured, with laced boots or polished leather shoes being the most popular choices.

Military Lolita is a highly controversial substyle within the Lolita fashion community. The primary criticism centers on the use of imagery that closely resembles the uniforms of 20th-century authoritarian and fascist regimes, particularly those of Nazi Germany. While many designs draw from inoffensive historical sources like Napoleonic or Victorian uniforms, some Japanese brands have released pieces that have been condemned for their direct and unambiguous resemblance to SS uniforms.

A frequently cited example is the " Die Walküre " series by the brand Metamorphose temps de fille, which featured a grey uniform-style dress and a peaked cap with an eagle emblem that many in the community identified as being uncomfortably reminiscent of Nazi insignia. The name itself was a reference to a Wagner opera famously used in Nazi propaganda. Critics argue that the creation and wearing of such designs, whether intentional or out of ignorance, is deeply offensive and promotes a form of Nazi Chic . This has led to intense debate within the community about which historical military influences are acceptable and which are unethical to reproduce in a fashion context.Minets , also known as the Minets du Drugstore , were a Parisian youth subculture that originated in the early 1960s. They were primarily young men from affluent backgrounds, who rejected societal norms and embraced English and American cultural influences.

Minets primarily gathered at the Drugstore Publicis on the Champs-Élysées, hence their name. This establishment was an innovation at the time, as it simultaneously functioned as a pharmacy, newsstand, record store, and a late-night restaurant. The Minets frequented it to read magazines, listen to music, socialize, or simply to be seen.

The "Minets" originated as a distinct youth subculture in Paris during the early 1960s, but the term was coined in 1965. They were Parisian teenagers who rejected French cultural values and instead embraced British culture. They could be found in the more fashionable districts of central Paris, and typically frequented cafes, public spaces, and most notably, the Drugstore Publicis on the Champs-Élysées.

This building in particular was inauguarated in 1958, and introduced a revolutionary concept to Paris, inspired by American drugstores. It became a popular destination in the area, as it was an one-stop shop where customers could dine until 2 a.m. while also purchasing medicine, gifts, or even a spare shirt.

Beyond fashion, the Minets were huge fans of British popular music and Rhythm and Blues. They listened to bands like The Who, The Beatles, and The Pretty Things, all bands that became popularized internationally during the "British Invasion" era. They also read music magazines such as " Melody Maker ". They also tuned into pirate radio stations broadcasting from the United Kingdom, bypassing French radio restrictions.

The Minet subculture was relatively short-lived. It began to decline after the events of May 1968, which began with student protests at universities in Paris, fueled by dissatisfaction with the educational system, social inequalities, and the Vietnam War. These protests quickly escalated into widespread strikes and demonstrations across the country, involving millions of workers and students. Many members of the subculture joined the student protests, activism efforts, or other social movements of the time. The rest of the subculture assimilated back into mainstream bourgeois society.

The Minets, those anti- Yéyé Parisian youths of 1965, sported a very particular look, with influences from the Mod subculture. Their clothing was a mix of Catholic school uniforms and provincial English style. It was certainly not like the style of Preppy Cambridge students; they liked sturdy and worn clothes, with anything new considered " déclassé " (low-class).

The Minets' style was androgynous and different from the other Parisian trends of the time. They chose classic English pieces, like oxford shirts with button-down collars, which they often found at the St-Ouen flea market. They wore blazers with gold buttons and "British" crests, tweed jackets in houndstooth or flannel, and fitted gabardine trench coats. Tailored velvet suits from Renoma and O’Brial were also common. Instead of jeans, which they saw as something only Rockers wore, they preferred five-pocket corduroy trousers. These were often worn short to show off their shoes: Clarks, Carvil zip boots, or JM Weston loafers. They also wore colorful Shetland sweaters with round necks and short sleeves in bright colors like canary yellow, candy pink, and pale blue. With this, they rebelled against the mainstream high-class culture of Paris.

The Minets were known for their desire to break away from tradition, even if it meant rejecting French cultural values. They were trendsetters, and they created their own scene and way of socializing. A key aspect of their attitude was their pursuit of " branché " status, a term referring to being cool and trendy.

Much of their social life revolved around parties, especially " boums " held on Thursday afternoons and Saturday evenings. Exchanging addresses and gaining access to exclusive gatherings was a common practice. They often attended " rallyes ", organized events hosted by young women in their homes or upscale venues. Dating was another major part of their lifestyle, though the Minets acknowledged that it was a different era regarding sexual freedom. They often interacted with students from various Parisian high schools, usually through parties and gatherings.

The Drugstore Publicis was their main location, but they also frequented other buildings such as the New Store, Drug West, Pub Renault, Relais de Chaillot, Club Pierre Charron, and the Mimi Pinson dance hall, which was transformed into the "TOP TEN" to attract customers. They also attended events at places like L'Orée du Bois and the Scossa.

The Minets sometimes also enjoyed playing lighthearted pranks on others. A classic prank was directing people to a "fantastic party" at an address that turned out to be the Paris Morgue. Petty theft and occasional brawls were part of their image, though their actions were often more about making a statement than causing harm.

Musically, Minets liked British rock and roll and rhythm and blues, and they would even go as far as listening to pirate radios from the United Kingdom. They frequently listened to bands such as The Who, The Beatles, and The Pretty Things, as well as American artists such as Otis Redding and Aretha Franklin.

They disliked and rejected French music, particularly Yé-yé , despite the fact that it was also influenced by British culture. It was the prevailing genre of pop music in France, Spain, Portugal, and Italy at the time. Yé-yé music contrasted with past decades as it allowed more freedom for women in the music industry.

La Bande du Drugstore (2002), directed by François Armanet, is a French romcom film based around the Minets and their connection to the Drugstore Publicis in 1960s Paris. The film follows two young men, Philippe and Marc, as they learn about the subculture's fashion, music, and social events, alongside the experiences of Charlotte and Nathalie, two young women involved in the scene.Mod (derived from Modernist) is a youth subculture that emerged in London, England, in the late 1950s before spreading throughout Great Britain and internationally in the mid-1960s. Rooted in a small group of working-class men who rejected the dominant rock and roll culture of the time, the movement was defined by a self-conscious and aspirational modernism. This was expressed through a deep appreciation for continental European fashion, modern jazz, and African-American R&B music. The subculture placed a high value on bespoke tailoring, sophisticated style, and an active social life centered around all-night clubs and Italian motor scooters.

The Mod aesthetic evolved significantly through the 1960s. Early male Mods adopted a clean, sharp look centered on custom-tailored suits with narrow lapels, inspired by Italian and French styles. As the movement grew, this look was popularized by brands like Fred Perry and Ben Sherman, whose polo shirts became a subcultural uniform. For women, Mod fashion became synonymous with the Swinging Sixties , promoting an androgynous and youthful silhouette. Designers like Mary Quant popularized the miniskirt, while A-line dresses, shift dresses, bold geometric patterns, and flat shoes became defining features of the look, famously modeled by figures like Twiggy.

Musically, it was initially centered on modern jazz, the Mod musical taste expanded to include American soul and R&B artists from labels like Motown and Stax, as well as Jamaican ska. This preference for danceable, sophisticated black music set them apart from the rival Rocker subculture, who favored 1950s American rock and roll. British bands like The Who and Small Faces became central to the movement, capturing the Mod attitude in their music and style. Transportation was another key cultural identifier, with Italian motor scooters, particularly Vespas and Lambrettas, being the preferred mode of transport, often customized with extra mirrors and lights. The subculture gained widespread media attention for its highly stylized look and for widely publicized seaside clashes with the Rockers in the mid-1960s.

The Mod subculture originated in the late 1950s within a small group of working-class young men in London. Dubbed "modernists" for their appreciation of modern jazz, they consciously rejected the greaser -style Rock and Roll culture of the previous generation. This early movement was defined by an aspirational focus on continental European style, particularly the sharp, tailored suits of Italy and France, which they had custom-made. As the subculture grew into the early 1960s, its influence spread from London throughout Great Britain.

By the mid-1960s, Mods had become a highly visible and influential youth movement. The subculture developed a rivalry with the Rocker subculture, which was based on differing tastes in music, fashion, and lifestyle. This tension culminated in a series of highly publicized seaside clashes in 1964 in towns like Brighton and Margate, which were sensationalized by the media and cemented the public image of the two groups. Around the same period, as the "Swinging London" scene became more commercial and cosmopolitan, the original working-class Mod movement began to splinter. Some harder-edged street mods evolved into what would eventually become the first skinheads, retaining the sharp dress sense but adopting a more aggressive, nationalistic identity. The original Mod movement largely faded by the late 1960s, with many of its adherents moving on to other scenes like the burgeoning hippie movement.

Mod fashion was central to the subculture's identity, emphasizing a clean, sharp, and meticulously detailed look that evolved throughout the 1960s.

For male Mods, the look was rooted in bespoke tailoring. Early adherents favored custom-made three-button suits in dark colors with extremely narrow lapels, thin ties, and pointed-collar shirts, inspired by Italian and French designers. This sharp silhouette was complemented by specific footwear, such as Chelsea boots or Clarks desert boots. As the style became more accessible, brands like Fred Perry and Ben Sherman became staples, with their polo shirts, buttoned to the top, becoming a subcultural uniform. Outerwear was also key; the fishtail parka, often an M-51 or M-65 model from military surplus, was worn to protect expensive suits while riding motor scooters.

Female Mod fashion, famously modeled by figures like Twiggy and Jean Shrimpton, became synonymous with the "Swinging Sixties." The style promoted a youthful, androgynous, and boyish silhouette that moved away from the hourglass figures of the 1950s. Designer Mary Quant was instrumental in popularizing the miniskirt, which was often worn with opaque, colorful tights. A-line dresses and geometric shift dresses, such as the Mondrian dress by Yves Saint Laurent, were defining garments. Bold, graphic patterns influenced by Pop Art and Op Art, including polka-dots, stripes, and the Union Jack, were common. Footwear consisted of flat or low-heeled shoes like Mary Janes and white go-go boots. Hairstyles were equally distinctive, with sharp, geometric cuts like the five-point bob by Vidal Sassoon being highly fashionable.

The musical taste of the Mod subculture was initially a defining characteristic that set it apart from other youth movements. The early "modernists" were fans of modern jazz, but as the scene grew, its focus shifted to African-American R&B and soul music. Mods championed artists from American labels like Motown, Stax, and Chess Records, favoring the sophisticated, danceable rhythms of artists like Marvin Gaye, The Supremes, and Otis Redding. This preference for black American music stood in stark contrast to the rival Rocker subculture, which remained loyal to 1950s American rock and roll.

As the movement gained momentum in Britain, a number of UK bands emerged that were embraced by the scene. Groups like The Who, Small Faces, The Kinks, and The Yardbirds became central to the Mod identity, capturing the subculture's energy, style, and rebellious attitude in their music. The weekly television show Ready Steady Go! became an essential platform for this music, showcasing both American and British artists to a national Mod audience.

The Mod subculture was both a subject of and an influence on film and television during its peak in the 1960s.The Movida Madrileña ("Madrid Scene") was a countercultural movement that erupted in Madrid, Spain, immediately following the death of dictator Francisco Franco in 1975. It was a spontaneous and explosive celebration of the newfound social, sexual, and political freedoms that had been repressed for nearly four decades. The movement, which peaked in the 1980s, was not a formal school of art but a widespread cultural renaissance that manifested across music, film, photography, and fashion, characterized by a spirit of hedonism, transgression, and creative experimentation.

Aesthetically, La Movida was an eclectic mix of Punk , New Wave , and Post-Punk sensibilities, filtered through a uniquely Spanish lens that embraced kitsch , camp , and dramatic flair. Key figures like the filmmaker Pedro Almodóvar and the musician Alaska became icons of the era, representing a definitive break from the grey, conservative Francoist past and an assertion of a new, modern Spanish identity.

The death of Francisco Franco in 1975 marked the end of a nearly 40-year authoritarian regime and ushered in the Spanish transition to democracy. This sudden liberation unleashed a wave of creative energy, particularly among the youth of Madrid. While the roots of the movement emerged in the late 1970s with the rise of a local punk scene, many pinpoint February 9, 1980, as its symbolic starting point. On this date, a tribute concert for Canito, a musician from the band Tos who had died in a car accident, was held at the Technical University of Madrid and broadcast on television. The event brought together several founding bands of the scene and showcased the new, rebellious energy brewing in the city.

The Movida Madrileña thrived in the city's nightlife, with bars, clubs, and fanzines serving as the crucibles for its creative output. It was a fundamentally democratic and DIY movement, where artists, musicians, filmmakers, and designers collaborated freely, driven by a desire to provoke, break taboos, and explore the limits of their newfound freedom.

While the Movida Madrileña was the most internationally recognized, similar countercultural movements emerged in other Spanish cities during the same period, each with its own local character. In the Galician city of Vigo, the Movida Viguesa developed a strong music scene with a focus on punk and post-punk. In Valencia, the Movida Valenciana was closely linked to the emerging Ruta del Bakalao , a clubbing circuit that would later become the epicenter of Spain's electronic music scene.

The fashion of La Movida Madrileña was a vibrant and eclectic pastiche of international youth styles, adapted with a dramatic and theatrical Spanish sensibility. Drawing heavily from London's punk , post-punk , and New Romantic scenes, the look was defined by a DIY ethos . Adherents would customize their clothing with studs, rips, and paint, creating unique and often androgynous looks.

Key elements included leather jackets, miniskirts, fishnets, and heavy makeup for all genders, with a color palette that favored stark black contrasted with bold, vibrant colors like fuchsia and electric blue. The aesthetic also had a strong element of kitsch and camp, often reappropriating and subverting traditional Spanish and Catholic iconography. The visual art of the movement, particularly the colorful, surreal photography of artists like Ouka Leele and Pablo Pérez Mínguez, captured the hedonistic and transgressive spirit of the era.

Music was the driving force of La Movida Madrileña, and the period is often referred to as the "Golden Age of Spanish Pop." The sound was diverse, drawing from a wide range of genres.

The Movida Madrileña was famously documented and propelled by the work of filmmaker Pedro Almodóvar. His early films, such as Pepi, Luci, Bom (1980) and Labyrinth of Passion (1982), are considered essential documents of the era. They starred many of the movement's key figures, including Alaska and Fabio McNamara, and represented the scene's hedonistic energy, sexual freedom, and unique aesthetic.The Movida Viguesa , also known as A Movida Galega ("The Galician Scene"), was a countercultural and artistic movement centered around the city of Vigo, Galicia, during the first half of the 1980s. Emerging between 1977 and 1978, the Movida Viguesa coincided with the Movida Madrileña , forming what is known as Spain's "Golden Age of Pop."

The movement was fundamentally a reaction against the conventional music and conservative culture of the time, thriving in the nightlife and bars of Vigo's Casco Viejo (Old Town). It developed in a context of significant economic crisis, high unemployment, and profound political skepticism resulting from the disillusionment following the transition to democracy after the death of Francisco Franco. The movement principally focused on music, aesthetics, and video-making, with a pronounced interest in the formal, visual aspect of its output.

The Movida Viguesa, while twin to Madrid's Movida Madrileña in spirit, possessed a unique Gallician identity shaped by the region’s specific challenges.

The official kick-off of the movement is often pinpointed to a seminal traffic incident on August 20, 1981, when the members of the band Mari Cruz Soriano y los que afinan su piano were involved in a car crash declared a "total loss" ( Siniestro Total in Galician). This incident inspired the band to rename themselves Siniestro Total, marking the symbolic beginning of the chaotic musical movement that followed.

The musicians of the Movida Viguesa were characterized by their skepticist political views, a stance fueled by the former suppression of the Galician language during the dictatorship and the turbulent cultural changes of the country. This led to a distinct musical output featuring irreverent and chaotic lyrics influenced by postmodernism, often showing an intentional lack of explicit social commitment in contrast to the political struggles of the era.

The movement gained national prominence, and in September 1986, the scenes celebrated an official twinning event called " Madrid se escribe con V de Vigo " (Madrid is spelled with a V for Vigo). However, an incident during this celebration involving a member of the Madrileña scene throwing a bottle marked the period where many observers considered the glorious era of the Movida Viguesa to have ended.

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The Movida Viguesa produced several bands that achieved significant national recognition during the so-called Golden Age of Spanish Pop.Nazi Chic refers to the incorporation of Nazi-era style, imagery, and paraphernalia within clothing, counterculture, and popular culture. This utilization is primarily observed for its shock value or as a means of transgressing social norms, or as a tool to critique elements of contemporary society by drawing allusions to the Nazi Party.

The trend emerged in the mid-1970s, coinciding with the rise of the punk movement in London, and later spread to heavy metal and glam rock subcultures. The Sex Pistols' initial television appearance, which featured an associate wearing a swastika, exemplifies this early adoption. The punk subculture, largely left-wing and anarchist, used these symbols to shock and offend the status quo, not to express Nazi sympathies. However, the presence of actual Nazis within the punk scene led to the community's rejection of these symbols, as evidenced by the Dead Kennedys' song " Nazi Punks Fuck Off ," and the formation of Rock Against Communism (RAC).

This aesthetic subsequently influenced aspects of the fashion industry and the leather/ bondage subculture. By the late 20th and early 21st centuries, Nazi Chic gained notable traction within certain Asian cultural contexts, where Nazi imagery is not as politically charged. The use of Nazi imagery within industrial and punk music subcultures, while intended as subversion , has also faced misinterpretation.

Nazi Chic incorporates Nazi symbolism and iconography. This usage differs from actual Nazi ideology, as it is primarily employed for shock value or as a form of social commentary. Unlike aesthetics that genuinely promote Nazism, such as Fashwave, most adherents to Nazi Chic do not express support for white nationalism or supremacy. The aesthetic originated in the 1950s and 1960s with figures such as the "Surf Nazis," who adopted swastikas and Nazi military regalia. This adoption occurred at a time when the resurgence of Nazi ideology was not widely anticipated. Nazisploitation films in the 1960s and 1970s, such as Ilsa: She-Wolf of the SS , also utilized Nazi iconography. This aesthetic influenced the Troma film Surf Nazis Must Die , which satirized and portrayed "Surf Nazis" as villains.

In contemporary contexts, Nazi imagery is sometimes used within artistic works to critique societal elements, drawing parallels to Nazi oppression. Examples include music videos by Lady Gaga's " Alejandro " and Marilyn Manson's " The Fight Song ," which aim to shock and provoke commentary.

The use of Nazi-era fashion and symbols has also been noted in Asian countries, particularly Japan and Hong Kong. In these regions, the historical weight and connotations of Nazi symbols differ from those in Western cultures. Instances of Nazi-themed cosplay and the display of Nazi paraphernalia have occurred, often without a full understanding of their historical significance. This has led to controversies and condemnations, particularly from Western observers and Israeli representatives. Incidents involving students and musical performers wearing Nazi-inspired attire have resulted in public apologies and official reprimands. The use of Nazi imagery within Asian countries is often attributed to a lack of comprehensive education regarding World War II Germany and a perception of Nazi symbols as rebellious or subversive, rather than inherently political.

Nazi Chic fashion incorporates elements derived from Nazi-era clothing, influenced by designers such as Hugo Boss and Coco Chanel, who had associations with the Nazi Party. This aesthetic sometimes references aspects of the Nazi regime during the 1930s and 1940s. Its adoption has been observed in Asian countries, including Japan and Hong Kong. In these regions, Nazi imagery is often utilized in cosplay, particularly within anime and manga, to represent characters embodying fascist ideologies. This usage may stem from a less comprehensive understanding of Nazi atrocities and Japan's wartime actions, such as the Nanking Massacre, within the Japanese education system.

The use of Nazi-era military uniforms and related paraphernalia within Nazi Chic is sometimes associated with a form of military uniform fetishism. This is evidenced by the adoption of such attire by fans of bands like Nachtmahr, who have been observed wearing uniforms resembling those of the SS and NSDAP. While the band's creator, Thomas Rainier, denies any fascist sympathies, the imagery employed, including armbands similar to those used by Nazi Party members, suggests a deliberate use of fascist aesthetics.

The use of fascist aesthetics, particularly Nazi-era imagery, within Nazi Chic is often driven by a desire to subvert established social norms and provoke shock. This practice emerged in the 1970s within subcultures such as punk, heavy metal, industrial, and glam rock, where artists and adherents employed such symbols to challenge the prevailing societal order. The Sex Pistols' early use of swastikas exemplifies this trend.

Early examples of this subversion include the "Surf Nazis" of the 1950s and 1960s, who utilized Nazi aesthetics as a form of anti-establishment rebellion. Similarly, glam rock artists in the early 1970s incorporated Nazi symbolism for its shock value. The punk subculture further developed this approach, with artists like Johnny Rotten and Siouxsie Sioux employing swastikas and other Nazi-related symbols to challenge the values of the World War II generation.

However, this appropriation of Nazi imagery is frequently misinterpreted. While the intent is often to transgress, it can be perceived as an endorsement of Nazi ideology, particularly by those unfamiliar with the subcultural context. Even though Nazi Chic often uses fascist imagery to subvert its original meaning, the risk of misinterpretation and the inherent sensitivity of these symbols remains significant.Neoperreo is a music genre and aesthetic that originated in the mid-to-late 2010s as a DIY , internet-driven, and underground alternative to mainstream reggaetón . Coined by Chilean artist Tomasa del Real, the term describes a movement that brings back the hard, dance-focused "perreo" beat of classic reggaetón while fusing it with darker, more experimental electronic sounds.

Neoperreo is a decentralized and inclusive subculture that prioritizes feminist and LGBTQ+ voices, aiming to create a safer and less misogynistic club environment. It is defined by a distinct visual aesthetic that blends futuristic, internet art-inspired elements with the street style ( cultura de barrio ) of reggaetón's origins.

Neoperreo arose as a reaction against the polished, commercialized, and heteronormative representation of modern mainstream reggaetón. It functions as a global, internet-based movement with strongholds in Chile, Argentina, Mexico, and Spain, built on a foundation of inclusivity. The subculture provides a safe space for women and queer artists, who are the primary protagonists of the genre, to freely express their own sexuality and desires, subverting the traditional male gaze of reggaetón. The lyrics center on empowering women and marginalized groups, unapologetically celebrating sexual freedom and self-expression.

The Neoperreo aesthetic is an eclectic mix of futuristic, internet-native styles with grounded street fashion. It has been described as "cybernetic and even goth , leaning towards a twisted Lolita ." The look is characterized by exaggerated makeup, long false nails, and visible tattoos. Fashion is a blend of high fashion, streetwear, and nostalgic Y2K elements, often presented with an avant-garde or deconstructed sensibility. The visual representation in music videos and social media is as important as the music itself, with a style that is typically sexually liberated and unapologetically bold.

Neoperreo music is a return to the raw origins of reggaetón , with a heavy emphasis on the dembow rhythm to make the music danceable. However, it distinguishes itself by fusing this with a wide range of darker, futuristic, and more experimental electronic influences, including Deconstructed Club, trap, grime, industrial , and even witch house . The production is often intentionally lo-fi and distorted, in contrast to the polished sound of pop-reggaetón. The vocal delivery is often inspired by trap and early, more aggressive reggaetón artists like Ivy Queen.The New Look is a women's fashion movement that began in post-WWII France, first introduced by Christian Dior in 1947 at his spring collection ( ligne corolle ) showing at 30 Avenue Montaigne in Paris. Dior's designs radically changed the feminine silhouette. The term was coined by Carmel Snow, the lead editor of Harper's Bazaar.

This phrase gained global recognition after an article by a Rutgers University journalist was published in the United States. Dior's first collection helped revitalize the French fashion industry following World War II. Europe was still suffering the consequences of the war at the time, but the New Look helped bring back opulence to the streets of Paris in the 1950s and restabilished it as an international centre of fashion. Haute-Couture had declined during the war.

The "New Look" emerged in the specific context of post-World War II Europe. Following years of wartime rationing and austerity , Dior's designs were radically different. The full skirts, made with extravagant amounts of fabric, defied the limitations and somber mood of the war years. The cinched waists and rounded shoulders emphasized femininity, a departure from the more masculine styles adopted by women during the war.

Christian Dior, born in Normandy in 1905, launched his first collection in February 1947 at the age of 42. His early career included running an art gallery with Jacques Bonjean, where they exhibited works by artists like Pablo Picasso, Henri Matisse, and Salvador Dalí. This experience exposed Dior to diverse artistic movements and aesthetics that would later influence his fashion designs.

Dior's entry into fashion design was gradual. He began selling sketches in 1935 and later worked for designers Robert Piguet and Lucien Lelong.  These positions provided valuable experience and connections within the industry.  In 1946, with financial support from textile manufacturer Marcel Boussac, Dior founded his own couture house.

Dior's designs were not only a reaction to wartime austerity but also a reinterpretation of historical fashion trends. The New Look's silhouette drew inspiration from the Belle Époque era and Victorian styles, which demonstrated Dior's ability to modernize classic elements.

The New Look redefined the feminine silhouette with dresses featuring a cinched waist and full skirt falling to mid-calf length; some skirts used over 10 meters of fabric. Christian Dior's "Bar Suit" transformed the traditional suit jacket into a feminine garment with rounded shoulders and a small waist. This design contrasted with the rigid, heavy military uniforms and utilitarian clothing worn by women during World War II, many of whom had to take men's jobs as they were displaced.

Key characteristics include:

The New Look was not universally embraced at the time. Some criticized its extravagance and impracticality, particularly in a time of continued economic recovery in Europe. In a time of post-war shortages, the extravagant use of fabric in designs was seen as excessive and insensitive by some. Some women had embraced more masculine and utilitarian styles, taking on new works traditionally associated with men during the war. The New Look's hyperfemininity could be interpreted as a rejection of this independence and a pressure to return to pre-war ideals of womanhood.The New Partisans (Serbo-Croatian: Novi Partizani / Нови Партизани) were a short-lived music and visual movement on the Yugoslav rock scene during the mid-1980s. Centered in Sarajevo, the movement was led by the established band Bijelo Dugme and younger acts Plavi Orkestar and Merlin.

The aesthetic is defined by a blend of mainstream pop rock with Balkan folk music, but its most distinctive feature was its heavy use of lyrics and imagery inspired by the Yugoslav Partisans of World War II and the state ideology of "Brotherhood and Unity." At a time of rising ethnic nationalism in post-Tito Yugoslavia, the New Partisans movement was a deliberately pro-Yugoslav, anti-nationalist cultural statement.

The New Partisans movement emerged in the mid-1980s as a response to the growing political and ethnic tensions that threatened to fracture Yugoslavia. The bands sought to counteract the rise of nationalism by promoting a form of "original Yugoslavism." They did this by re-appropriating the heroic and romanticized imagery of the Partisan struggle, which was a foundational myth of the socialist Yugoslav state and a powerful symbol of multi-ethnic unity.

The movement was not an expression of support for the ruling communist party, but rather a nostalgic and often critical appeal to the founding ideals of the country. It was an attempt to use the shared cultural memory of the anti-fascist struggle to advocate for peace and unity in the face of imminent conflict.

The New Partisans aesthetic was most clearly expressed through its highly symbolic album art and the on-stage fashion of the bands. The movement was known for its deliberate recontextualization of historical and political imagery.

On stage, the bands adopted a look that directly referenced Partisan history. This included stylized army uniforms, military boots, and traditional wool socks known as partizanke (Partisan socks). Live performances often incorporated socialist imagery, with concerts opening to the sound of "The Internationale" or band members shouting the state motto, "Brotherhood! Unity!" ( Bratstvo! Jedinstvo! ).

The music of the New Partisans movement was a blend of mainstream pop rock and power pop with prominent elements of traditional Balkan folk music. The sound was melodic and accessible, but it was set apart by its lyrical content and the incorporation of historical musical themes. Bands often adapted melodies from old Yugoslav revolutionary anthems and Partisan songs, most notably Bijelo Dugme's cover of "Padaj silo i nepravdo" ("Fall, Oh Force and Injustice"). The lyrics were central to the movement, focusing on themes of Yugoslavism, the state motto of "Brotherhood and Unity," pacifism, and a romanticized nostalgia for the anti-fascist struggle of World War II.

The New Partisans movement was heavily criticized by the Yugoslav music press and the more alternative-oriented public. There were two main lines of critique:

Faced with this negative reception and the rapidly worsening political situation in Yugoslavia, the movement quickly faded. By 1988, its key bands had moved on to other themes, and the "Partisan offensive" on the rock scene was over.New Primitivism (Serbo-Croatian: Novi primitivizam ), also referred to as the New Primitives , was a localized subcultural and artistic movement established in Sarajevo, Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in March 1983. Functioning as a satirical, surreal, and anti-intellectual response to both the Western New Romanticism and the prevailing Yugoslav New Wave / Punk scenes, the movement primarily expressed itself through rock music, radio, and television sketch comedy.

The core of New Primitivism was the local urban culture of Sarajevo's mahalas (neighborhoods) and a celebration of the "small people"—ordinary citizens, blue-collar workers, and social outcasts—who were often portrayed in absurd and humorous situations. This emphasis introduced Sarajevan street jargon, slang, and Turkish loanwords into the official Yugoslav public sphere. The movement became both an eclectic expression of local patriotism and a form of social and cultural critique, often using pseudonyms to conceal ethnic identity and promote a sense of unified Sarajevan street culture. The movement officially disbanded in 1987, although its principal groups and television show continued for several more years.

New Primitivism originated among a group of young individuals from the Koševo neighborhood of Sarajevo in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Influenced by Western artists such as Lou Reed, The Who, and the emerging punk scene, this group developed limited musical skills but quickly converged on music as a primary activity. By 1981, two key bands—Zabranjeno Pušenje and Elvis J. Kurtović & His Meteors—had taken a more serious, garage/punk rock direction, playing small local clubs. In parallel, some members of both groups began collaborating on Top lista nadrealista , a satirical comedy segment on Radio Sarajevo.

The formal concept of New Primitivism was developed between late 1982 and early 1983, primarily by the manager of Elvis J. Kurtović & His Meteors, Malkolm Muharem, who published the movement's manifesto in a local fanzine. The name itself was a deliberate, mock reaction to the Western New Romanticism and the Slovenian Neue Slowenische Kunst (NSK). Where New Romanticism was seen as "sugar-sweet" and NSK as "cold, serious, distant," the New Primitives positioned themselves as their raw, unsophisticated, and humorous antithesis, embracing the stereotypes associated with Bosnians in popular Yugoslav jokes. The movement's wider unofficial unveiling occurred in early March 1983 at a double-bill concert in Sarajevo's CEDUS club featuring both flagship bands.

In 1984, the movement gained significant momentum with the debut albums of both main bands: Mitovi i legende o Kralju Elvisu by Elvis J. Kurtović & His Meteors, and Das ist Walter by Zabranjeno Pušenje. Both albums were characterized by a hyperlocalized sensibility, referencing Sarajevo neighborhoods and focusing on social fringe characters. Simultaneously, Top lista nadrealista moved to television, becoming a popular weekly sketch comedy program that further cemented the movement's reach across Yugoslavia. This exposure increased the sales of Das ist Walter , eventually pushing it past 100,000 copies.

The movement faced a major crisis in late 1984 when Zabranjeno Pušenje's frontman, Nele Karajlić, made a joke referencing the death of Marshal Tito during a concert in Rijeka. The offhand quip, "Crk'o maršal" ("The 'Marshall' has croaked," referring to an amplifier), followed by the clarification "Mislim na pojačalo" ("The amplifier, that is"), was widely denounced in the press as an insult to the revered leader's legacy. This led to a media firestorm, legal proceedings against Karajlić, and the subsequent blacklisting of the band. Their songs were removed from radio playlists, TV access was restricted, and over 30 concerts were canceled in early 1985. The radio version of Top lista nadrealista was also removed from the radio schedule in March 1985.

Despite the controversy, the principles of New Primitivism—local narratives and a humorous approach—were leveraged for mainstream commercial success by other associated bands. After leaving Elvis J. Kurtović & His Meteors, manager Malkolm Muharem successfully pitched the band Plavi Orkestar to a major label by branding them as a "New Primitive project, only this time from an angle of camp." Their 1985 debut, Soldatski bal, became a sensation, selling 550,000 copies, though the band quickly moved toward a sugary pop sound.

Similarly, guitarist Dražen Ričl left Elvis J. Kurtović & His Meteors to form Crvena Jabuka, whose 1986 self-titled debut was also a commercial success, blending power pop with the localized aesthetics of New Primitivism. Both Plavi Orkestar and Crvena Jabuka achieved massive popularity by moving away from the movement's more aggressive punk roots.

New Primitivism officially disbanded in 1987 in a mock ceremony filmed for TV Sarajevo, which was framed as the "7th Extraordinary New Primitivism Congress," concluding with the statement, "better us [to do it] than somebody else."

New Primitivism had a profound and lasting impact on the culture of Sarajevo and Yugoslavia as a whole. It is credited with giving Sarajevan urban culture a unique and nationally recognized voice, transforming the city's self-perception and cultural standing. Some analysts, in hindsight, viewed the movement as an important cultural moment in the last decade of SFR Yugoslavia's existence, with one academic suggesting the country may have survived had it adopted the New Primitivism values as its new cultural model. However, others saw the movement negatively, from rock critics who initially dismissed it as "renewed and stripped-down primitivism" to critics who viewed it as a politically destructive force.

The movement, distinct from the later, more explicitly pro-Yugoslav, militant, and patriotic New Partisans movement, nonetheless laid a cultural groundwork that proved pivotal in the coming decade.

The New Primitivism visual aesthetic was intentionally démodé and unpolished, serving as a humorous rejection of prevailing Western trends. It championed a "smart yet trashy" presentation that blended subcultural elements with the style of social outcasts and minor criminals from Sarajevo's old town area (Baščaršija).

The movement used imagery focused on the mundane and the fringes of society, including coal miners, neighborhood alcoholics, and local thugs. The narrative frequently incorporated B-movie plots and surrealist elements derived from the Top lista nadrealista sketches. A defining aesthetic feature was the use of hyperlocalized Sarajevo street jargon and slang , which was prominently featured in song lyrics and comedy sketches. This specific vocabulary, often containing Turkish loanwords, was central to the movement's local identity.

he movement's unofficial fashion look was an embrace of the 1970s leisure suit style, appropriated from petty hoodlums. This consisted of:

The philosophy of New Primitivism was built on self-irony, local patriotism, and an anti-establishment stance. Its core function was to elevate the Bosnian experience from a perceived source of shame and inferiority—a "primitive" cultural wasteland—to a source of collective identity and pride.

The movement's protagonists presented themselves as the authentic homo balcanicus , affirming the distinctive socio-folkloric characteristics of the region, from street fights to casual hygiene. They used their art to bring the ignored or ridiculed aspects of Sarajevan mahala life to the national stage.

The dominant method of critique was relentless, localized satire and absurdity, drawing stylistic comparisons to groups like Monty Python's Flying Circus. The use of pseudonyms was a deliberate choice to both unify the movement under a single "Sarajevan code" and provide a playful anonymity that transcended ethnic identification.

While appearing to be an "old primitivism," the movement was consciously an artifical construct. Nele Karajlić described the movement as a "fuckabout that got taken a little too seriously," created to "join" the music industry by inventing a local trend rather than genuinely adhering to a conceptual philosophy, like the serious NSK art movement.

The movement's unofficial creed, " Tuđe hoćemo, svoje nemamo " ("What's not ours, we want; because ours, we haven't got"), was a parody of the communist slogan, " Tuđe nećemo, svoje ne damo " ("What's not ours, we don't want; ours, we won't give up on"), reflecting their stance of rebellion against any establishment—cultural, social, or political.Office Siren is a fashion microtrend that gained popularity on TikTok in late 2023 and early 2024. The aesthetic is a stylized and sensual reinterpretation of 1990s and early 2000s corporate fashion, blending sleek professionalism with a mysterious and alluring edge.

It draws inspiration from the " power dressing " of previous decades, the minimalist designs of brands like Calvin Klein and Prada, and the on-screen style of characters like Gisele Bündchen's role as Serena in The Devil Wears Prada .

The look is defined by a specific formula: a muted, neutral color palette, form-fitting silhouettes, and the signature accessory of narrow, rectangular eyeglasses, often referred to as "Bayonetta glasses." The "siren" archetype is portrayed as an ambitious, intelligent, and confident woman who uses her sharp style as a form of power. The aesthetic is often considered a form of escapism or role-play, particularly for a younger generation romanticizing a version of corporate life they have not experienced.

The Office Siren aesthetic was codified and named on TikTok, but its visual influences are rooted in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. The sleek, minimalist, and subtly sensual corporate wear from 1990s and 2000s collections by designers like Tom Ford for Gucci, Dolce & Gabbana, and Ralph Lauren serve as a primary inspiration. This look was famously immortalized on-screen by characters like Serena (played by Gisele Bündchen) in the 2006 film The Devil Wears Prada , whose wardrobe became a key reference point for the trend.

In the 2020s, the street style of models like Bella Hadid, who frequently wears vintage 90s and 2000s pieces, including the narrow glasses that became central to the look, helped bring the aesthetic into the modern consciousness. The trend was further fueled by contemporary runway collections, particularly Miu Miu's Fall/Winter 2023 show, which playfully combined bookish, librarian-esque pieces with sensual elements like sheer skirts. The term itself was popularized on TikTok, where creators began to assemble these influences into a cohesive aesthetic, giving it names like "Office Siren" and the video game-inspired "Bayonettacore."

The term "Office Siren" was specifically coined by fashion student and TikTok creator Asia Bieuville. In a viral video that helped codify the look, she summarized its influences by stating, "She's '90s and 2000s Calvin Klein archive, Dolce & Gabbana, Versace and Ralph Lauren. She's the office siren." Her video also helped popularize the term "Bayonetta glasses."

The Office Siren look is built on a specific and consistent formula that balances professional attire with alluring details. The aesthetic is not typically intended for actual corporate environments, but rather as a stylized look for social settings.

In terms of styling, the balance of professionalism and sexiness varies, but both motifs must be present. For example, an outfit may show no skin, but the silhouette is more form-fitting and the hair and make-up can be more tousled. Alternatively, a going-out outfit may show cleavage, but a blazer and neat hair serves as contrast.

The primary element of the fashion is a sleek, form-fitting silhouette. Key garments include tailored pencil skirts, fitted button-down shirts (often left partially unbuttoned), and tight knit tops with various necklines like turtlenecks or boat necks. The overall look is structured and polished, but always body-conscious. The color palette is strictly neutral, consisting of black, grey, cream, and sandy browns, with occasional accents of deep red or leopard print.

Accessories are essential for completing the Office Siren look. The single most defining item is a pair of narrow, rectangular eyeglasses, nicknamed "Bayonetta glasses" after the titular video game character. Footwear is almost exclusively heeled, favoring stilettos, kitten heels, or pointed-toe boots. Jewelry is typically minimal and classic, such as simple silver chokers or pearl earrings. A structured shoulder bag in black or a muted accent color is the preferred choice of bag.

The makeup and hair are similarly sleek and refined. Makeup is generally subdued and classic, often featuring a neutral, matte complexion with a defined contour. Eyes might have a sharp cat-eye liner or a perfected smoky look in cool-toned grays, while lips are either kept simple with a darker liner and gloss or made a statement with a classic red or deep black-cherry lipstick. Hair is typically styled in a sleek, polished manner, such as a neat bun, a sharp bob, or a voluminous blowout.

The Office Siren trend has drawn criticism, particularly from HR professionals and those with experience in corporate environments. Commentators have noted that many of the outfits promoted under the trend—featuring very short skirts, visible lingerie elements like thigh-high stockings, and deep necklines—would be considered violations of professional dress codes in most actual offices. The aesthetic is therefore often framed as a fantasy or "corporate cosplay" rather than a practical guide to workplace attire.Oi! Skinhead represents the "Second Wave" of the skinhead subculture that emerged in the United Kingdom during the late 1970s. This era marked a definitive visual and musical break from the earlier Trojan Skinhead style, moving away from 1960s soul and reggae toward a harder, aggressive fusion of punk rock and working-class street culture. The subculture was built on a foundation of "boot-to-the-bollocks rage" and a fierce rejection of the perceived "art school" intellectualization of the early UK punk scene.

The term was popularized by Sounds magazine journalist Garry Bushell in 1980, who took the name from the "Oi!" greeting used by Stinky Turner of the Cockney Rejects to introduce songs. While the movement aimed to unite disenfranchised working-class youth, it became a lightning rod for controversy due to its association with street violence and the infiltration of far-right political groups in the early 1980s.

The subculture was born in the late 1970s as working-class youth in the UK sought to recapture the original skinhead spirit in the face of a changing cultural landscape. By 1977, the initial skinhead wave ( Trojan Skinhead ) had largely faded into " Suedehead " or " Smoothie " styles, and the emerging punk movement was seen by many street-level youths as increasingly artsy and middle-class.

This "Second Wave" revival was driven by a desire for a more raw, authentic representation of life on the council estates and football terraces. These revivalist skinheads adopted a more aggressive and utilitarian look than their 1960s predecessors, trading the polished "Spirit of '69" aesthetic for shaven heads and industrial workwear.

The subculture's reputation was severely impacted in the early 1980s by media sensationalism and real-world political infiltration. While the movement was originally intended to be a populist, street-level unification of punks and skins, it became a battleground for far-right groups like the National Front. The 1981 Southall Riot and the controversial Strength Thru Oi! compilation cemented a public association between the aesthetic and neo-fascism that the broader, often apolitical or left-leaning scene has struggled to shed for decades.

The Oi! aesthetic experienced a global resurgence in the 2010s, often referred to as the Third Wave. This modern scene is noted for its meticulous attention to 1980s style details and its ethnic and cultural diversity, with thriving communities in countries like Poland, Spain, France, and the United States. Modern bands like Crown Court continue to evoke the "dirty, grimy, ugly" sound that reflects hard social realities while rejecting the "plastic" or over-polished versions of the subculture.

The Oi! uniform was designed for durability and intimidation on the streets and football terraces.

Oi! was originally intended as a "new punk" or "real punk" movement that eschewed the commercialization of new wave. Lyrical themes focused on the harsh realities of the Margaret Thatcher era, including unemployment, police harassment, and workers' rights.

The scene faced a disastrous turning point on July 4, 1981, when a riot occurred at an Oi! concert in Southall. The venue was burned down by local Asian youth who believed the event (featuring bands like The 4-Skins and The Business) was a neo-Nazi provocation. This incident, combined with the release of the Strength Thru Oi! compilation (which featured a known far-right activist on the cover), led to a lasting public perception that the entire Skinhead subculture was racist.

In reality, the scene was fragmented. While a violent white nationalist element was vocal, many prominent bands like the Angelic Upstarts and Sham 69 were associated with anti-racist or left-wing politics. This tension eventually led to the formalization of specific subsets like SHARP (Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice) and Redskins in the following decades.

Oi! music is a stripped-back, aggressive subgenre of punk rock characterized by its raw energy and anthemic "singalong" choruses. The sound was designed to be at home in rowdy pubs and on football terraces, prioritizing directness over technical virtuosity.

Musically, the genre pairs power-chord guitar riffing with simple, driving drum beats. A defining feature is the "gang vocal"; choruses that sound like a crowd of people shouting together, mirroring the tribal energy of match day chants. The lyrics are unrefined and unmediated, focusing on the grit of the streets: unemployment, street fights, police harassment, football loyalty, and the drinking culture of the local pub. Unlike earlier punk bands that might weave in sociopolitical theory, Oi! artists wrote about the immediate struggles of survival and the pride of being working-class.

The Oi! aesthetic is characterized by a more rugged, "hard-boiled" appearance compared to the polished Mod -influenced look of the 1969 "Spirit of '69" era.Oktoberfest is a popular beer festival originating in Munich, Bavaria, Germany. It is known for music and attractions that also celebrate German culture, more precisely from the state of Bavaria. The festival takes place annually in the middle or end of September and ends on the Sunday of October, hence its name.

On October 12, 1810, the wedding between King Ludwig I of Bavaria and Princess Therese of Saxe-Hildburghausen took place in Munich, where the guests organized various shows and attractions for that occasion, such as horse racing, as well as drinks, which were served the population. In the following years, the same event was repeated in the city, adding new elements and giving more forms to the festival, allowing it to become a symbol of local culture and spread to other parts of the world, who also obtained similar variants, due to festival's popularity and mainly by the German diaspora. In Munich, Oktoberfest is known as d'Wiesn , named after the local amusement park Theresienwiese ( Therese's meadow ), which is where the fest takes place.

Since its spread around the world, the festival has gained replicas and versions in different countries.

Among the most visited are in Kitchener, Canada, Qingdao, China and Blumenau, Brazil.

Other places where the festival is notorious include the United States, Sweden, Japan, Australia, Russia and Namibia. In Germany, outside Bavaria, the festival is also celebrated in Hannover, Lower Saxony, being the second largest in the country.

Oktoberfest visuals bring elements and aspects such as:

Oktoberfest fashion consists of Tracht , which refers to traditional garments of German-speaking countries, that includes Lederhosen and Dirndl , as well as Tyrolean hats . The clothes were worn by peasants living in the Alps and rural areas. When the festival began, these garments were considered outdated until they were revived as they became a registered and memorable trademark of the residents of the Bavarian Alps. Tracht is not mandatory for the festival, although it is preferably worn by many of the visitors and hosts. As Oktoberfest in Munich takes place in autumn , the weather tends to be cold, which makes many visitors wear scarves and other cold-weather clothing.

Oktoberfest music includes a range of German and European folk music genres that have been adopted for the festival, such as Polka, Schlanger, Mazurka, Schottish, Waltz and Landler, which are commonly played by local bands. Brass instruments are the main ones used by bands.

At some point during the party, the traditional German Ooompah is played, with decibels below 85. Modern and lively music with electric instruments is also included in the festival.

The main activities of Oktoberfest involve participating and attending the attractions, which include:Ostalgie , also known as GDR Nostalgia , is a neologism that refers to nostalgia for East Germany ( Deutsche Demokratische Republik or DDR). Specifically, Ostalgie describes the nostalgic perception of the GDR within the population of East Germany following German reunification.

The term, a combination of the German words " Ost " (east) and " Nostalgie " (nostalgia), was coined in 1992 by East German stand-up comic Uwe Steimle. While sometimes misconstrued as a lack of integration within the broader German society or a desire to reinstate the GDR, social scientist Thomas Ahbe argues that Ostalgie primarily functions as an integration strategy, allowing East Germans to retain cherished experiences, memories, and values distinct from those of the West German majority.

The emergence of Ostalgie in the early 1990s coincided with a growing sense of alienation among some East Germans towards the newly unified Federal Republic. This period saw the resurgence of "East products" ( Ostprodukt ) in supermarkets, the rise of Ostalgie parties, and the rediscovery of everyday GDR objects, such as the Ampelmännchen , as symbols of identity. Motivations for Ostalgie are varied, encompassing ideological, nationalistic, and personal sentiments, as well as an appreciation for the era's aesthetics and a sense of irony. The phenomenon peaked in the 2000s with the 2003 film " Good Bye, Lenin! " and subsequent GDR-themed media.

A 2023 poll indicated that a significant portion of East Germans continue to identify strongly with their regional identity, highlighting the enduring relevance of Ostalgie in contemporary German culture.

The phenomenon of Ostalgie, or GDR nostalgia, emerged in the aftermath of German reunification, characterized by a renewed interest in aspects of East German life. The "Ostel" hotel in Berlin, furnished with authentic GDR-era items, exemplifies this trend, catering to those seeking to experience the former East German lifestyle. While polls indicate that a minority of former East Germans desire a true return to the communist regime, a broader cultural interest in GDR-era products and experiences has developed.

The term "Ostalgie," attributed to Dresden cabaret artist Uwe Steimle, as well as other variants ("DDR-Nostalgie," "East German identity," "East German mentality") lack a universally accepted definition and are often used imprecisely. Social scientist Thomas Ahbe notes that "Ostalgie" can carry pejorative connotations, as "East" and "nostalgia" are sometimes associated with deficiency, backwardness, and a rejection of modern progress. However, "Ostalgie" can also be understood as an integration strategy for East Germans seeking to preserve their unique experiences, memories, and values within a unified Germany.

This resurgence is evident in the trade of East German goods, including food items like " Rotkäppchen " sparkling wine and " Halloren-Kugeln " chocolate, as well as everyday objects and even currency. Businesses specializing in these items have found a market for nostalgia. The " Ostalgie Kabinett " museum, displaying thousands of GDR artifacts, reflects a similar impulse to preserve and showcase items from that period.

Sociological analysis attributes Ostalgie to a sense of displacement and devaluation among former East Germans. The transition to a unified Germany and a free-market economy resulted in the disappearance of many East German companies and products, leading to a feeling of lost " Heimat " or homeland. Sociologist Klaus Schroeder suggests that many East Germans feel their past experiences and achievements are unrecognized in the unified nation. This has led to a desire to commemorate their former lives and demonstrate that their experiences were not wholly negative. Surveys indicate a nuanced view of the GDR, with younger generations often showing a less critical perspective.

However, concerns exist regarding the potential for nostalgia to distort historical reality. Historian Stefan Wolle emphasizes the importance of remembering the oppressive aspects of the GDR, exemplified by the Stasi's surveillance and repression. He cautions against romanticizing the past and advocates for accurate historical representation. The academic definitions of DDR-Nostalgia diverge slightly from Ostalgie. DDR-nostalgia is seen more as positive retrospective evaluations of the former GDR citizens. Post reunification, negative views of the GDR have shifted to more positive ones, especially regarding social safety. There are differing hypotheses on why Ostalgie exists, with some believing it to be a result of long-term "socialist indoctrination," and others thinking it is a reaction to the differing life situations between the former east and west.

Ostalgie visual culture manifests through various forms, including themed parties and the resurgence of GDR-era objects. Ostalgie parties, beginning around 1994, featured decorations of East German propaganda items such as flags, portraits, symbols, medals, and banners, sometimes including an impersonator of Erich Honecker. Musical selections consisted of popular GDR songs, and satirical renditions of socialist hymns. These events, some commercially organized, attracted large numbers of attendees dressed in GDR-style clothing. Ralf Heckel was a prominent organizer of such parties, hosting over 100 events in the late 1990s.

The period also witnessed a revival of everyday GDR objects and symbols as markers of identity. This included items associated with the socialist consumer society, such as clothing from the Pioneer or FDJ organizations, the Trabant automobile, and prefabricated apartment buildings. A museum apartment in Berlin displays such living conditions. DEFA films and the " Sandmännchen " television program experienced renewed popularity, with the latter continuing production after public protest. Symbols like the " Ampelmännchen " traffic light figure and the GDR coat of arms, as well as the " Mosaik " comic book, became prominent. Ostalgie-themed hostels provide related visual experiences. Additionally, various radio programs explore daily life in the GDR, its associated objects, and related memories.

Ostalgie's visual style also also extends to the marketing strategies surrounding East German brands. Beginning in 1991, products produced in East Germany reappeared in stores. These items, once considered poor imitations of West German originals, were now marketed as authentic. This strategy of rebranding former GDR brands proved successful, often maintaining original packaging, recipes, and quality while modernizing brand names and symbols for recognition. Chocolate brands like Knusperflocke, Schlager-Süßtafel, and Bambina debuted or saw resurgences, achieving notable sales. Regional surveys indicated a significant presence of local fresh produce in East German stores.

In the late 1990s, the market for East German products experienced considerable growth. Marketing campaigns began to leverage Ostalgie and East German pride as key selling points. Advertisements appealed to shared memories of East Germans, with slogans like " Hurra, ich lebe noch! " used for Club-Cola. Cigarette brands like Club and Juwel used similar tactics, referencing the phrase " Es war nicht alles schlecht! " and countering West German campaigns. Coffee brand Rondo retained its original packaging and pricing, becoming a top seller. Other brands like Karo cigarettes, Nudossi, Halloren-Sahnecreme-Kugeln, and Fit dish soap also saw renewed popularity. However, consumers often overlooked that many "East" products were now owned by West German companies. Brands like Nordhäuser Korn, Spee detergent, and Florena cosmetics were examples of this trend. Despite this, GDR-era terms like "Broiler" remained in common use.

Ostalgie also manifested in trade fairs like the Ostpro fair, which showcases East German products. The fair, supported by the PDS party, attracts numerous exhibitors and visitors, particularly retirees. Conversely, Rotkäppchen sparkling wine, which has expanded its market share across Germany, does not associate itself with Ostalgie.

The Ostalgie phenomenon has influenced fashion trends, particularly among those who experienced life in the former GDR. Clothing featuring GDR symbols has gained popularity, extending beyond tourist souvenirs to become a fashion statement. Trabant-themed T-shirts are a common example, while the actual Trabant cars are less sought after. The iconic " Ampelmännchen " traffic light symbol has also become a popular motif on clothing and accessories.

In the mid-1990s, an online retailer, mondosarts.com, successfully campaigned against plans to standardize the "Ampelmännchen" design, preserving its unique appearance in eastern Berlin and Saxony-Anhalt. This retailer, named after the East German condom brand Mondos, offers a range of "Ampelmännchen" merchandise, including clothing and even full-size traffic lights.

The adoption of the "East German look," characterized by blue tracksuits and leather sandals, by young West Germans (" Wessis ") reflects a broader trend of coming to terms with Germany's past. The popularity of Ostalgie fashion may indicate a decrease in the gap between East and West German self-confidence, with Westerners potentially exhibiting less fashion-related and economic snobbery.

Design in the GDR was heavily influenced by the state's socialist ideology and centralized planning. Early design trends in the 1950s focused on industrial solutions, emphasizing simple, functional, and durable products for mass production. The Bauhaus style, initially favored by some designers, was rejected by the SED regime as "Western decadence," leading to a short-lived emphasis on "national cultural tradition." However, economic constraints and competition with the West led to a shift in focus towards producing goods for export in the 1970s, often making these items inaccessible to East Germans themselves.

In 1972, the " Amt für industrielle Formgestaltung " (Office for Industrial Design) was established to oversee and coordinate all aspects of design, including marketing. This further centralized control over design practices. The office also developed its own "Collection of Industrial Design," which now comprises 160,000 objects, including books, photographs, and documents, and is housed in the " Haus der Geschichte " (House of History) foundation.

The Wende Museum in Los Angeles has a collection of East German design, showcasing everyday objects, brands, artworks, and artifacts. This collection showcases the vernacular design of the GDR, including packaging, magazines, posters, and record sleeves, reflecting the hardships of life under the regime. The museum's collection includes examples of consumer products, propaganda posters, and cultural items, offering insights into the creative landscape of East Germany.

Taschen's " East German Handbook " provides a comprehensive overview of GDR design, drawing from the Wende Museum's collection. The book explores various aspects of life in East Germany through design, including domestic products, technology, and even erotica. It examines the communist state's efforts to provide citizens with desirable consumer goods while acknowledging the abundance available in the West.

The influence of East German design continues to be explored and debated. Exhibitions, such as " Alles nach Plan? Formgestaltung in der DDR " (Everything according to plan? Design in the GDR) at the Kulturbrauerei in Berlin, showcase the diversity of design under the GDR regime, encouraging reflection on the working conditions and daily life of designers within a state-controlled system.

Ostrock, an East German rock movement, emerged in the early 1970s, influenced by the West German experimental rock styles that bypassed the Iron Curtain. Ostrock bands exhibited stylistic conservatism compared to their Western counterparts, incorporated classical and traditional musical structures, and often featured poetic lyrics with indirect meanings and philosophical themes. Prominent Ostrock bands included The Puhdys, Karat, City, Stern-Combo Meißen, and Silly.

After German reunification, the initial period saw a brief resurgence of interest in former GDR bands. The opening of border crossings allowed previously restricted music, such as that of Veronika Fischer, to be broadcast. A German-German hit parade, Beat-Radio D, featured rock music from both East and West. However, interest in former GDR bands waned, leading to many band dissolutions. Subsequently, around 1993, Amiga records were reissued on CD, and compilations like " Rock aus Deutschland Ost " and " Jugendliebe. Das waren unsere Hits " were released. East German musicians resumed concerts and album production, with their music being labeled "Ostrock."

Despite some revival, Ostrock faced difficulties. West German operators took over former GDR broadcasting stations, resulting in programming that mirrored Western stations. East German music was frequently perceived as a historical curiosity rather than a music scene in its own right. Nevertheless, some Ostrock tracks achieved recognition, as demonstrated by the 2005 ZDF program " Unsere Besten – Jahrhundert-Hits ," which featured several GDR songs in its top rankings. Ostrock's legacy is evident in the influence it had on post-reunification German music, with Rammstein citing their GDR roots as foundational to their style. Silly also achieved notable chart success in unified Germany.

Contemporary musical representations of East Germany, reflecting the phenomenon of Ostalgie, include satirical portrayals, notably exemplified by the Swedish band IFA Wartburg. Active from 1984 to 1999, the band, under the aliases Rolf Kempinski and Heinz Klinger, adopted a playful tone using East German vocabulary. Their songs, featuring titles like " Frau Gorbatschowa tanzt Bossanova " and " Agrarwissenschaft im Dienste des Sozialismus ," offered satirical commentary. IFA Wartburg's eclectic musical style, incorporating elements of bossa nova, pop/ska, jazz, and swing, contributed to their unique sound. The band described their genre with the terms " Mauer Power " and "Russian Roll." Their 1998 album, " Im Dienste des Sozialismus ," garnered attention, and a significant online presence, particularly through YouTube, has contributed to a resurgence of interest in their music.

Furthermore, the Swedish EBM band Sturm Café provides another example of musical commentary related to the East German context. Their song " Kola Kola Freiheit " employs satirical German lyrics that juxtapose socialist ideology with the introduction of Western consumerism, specifically Coca-Cola and McDonald's. The lyrics express a conflict between socialism and what they view as the negative impacts of capitalism. This song shows how the clash of those two worlds has inspired musical creation.

Feature films and television series emerged as a key medium for exploring Ostalgie. Leander Haußmann's 1999 film " Sonnenallee " gained commercial success by depicting life in the GDR with a lighthearted, detail-oriented approach, which also fostered nostalgic sentiment. This film sparked a trend of "Wall comedies" that offered a more humorous perspective on the former East Germany. Notable examples include " Good Bye, Lenin! " (2003), " Herr Lehmann " (2003), " Kleinruppin forever " (2004), " NVA " (2005), and " Der Rote Kakadu " (2006). RTL's Ostalgie-themed series " Meine schönsten Jahre ," which portrayed the life of an East Berlin teenager in the 1980s, was cancelled after eight episodes due to low viewership. Recent scholarship has critiqued the interpretation of " Good Bye, Lenin! " as a straightforward example of Ostalgie, proposing that it also functioned as a legitimate means of processing social change.

In the latter half of 2003, various television shows focused on everyday life in the GDR. ZDF's " Die Ostalgie-Show ," hosted by Andrea Kiewel and Marco Schreyl, premiered on August 17, 2003, attracting a large audience. Other networks, including MDR, Sat.1, and RTL, also broadcast GDR-themed shows, such as MDR's " Ein Kessel DDR," Sat.1's "Meyer & Schulz – Die ultimative Ost-Show ," and RTL's " DDR-Show – Von Ampelmännchen bis Zentralkomitee ." Katarina Witt, who co-hosted RTL's show with Oliver Geissen, notably wore an FDJ blouse.

While most Ostalgie food-related businesses remain small, some have experienced challenges. OssiVersand, a mail-order food retailer, faced financial difficulties due to overexpansion despite strong sales. The company's commitment to producing extensive catalogs and fulfilling Christmas orders strained its resources, potentially leading to closure. Despite such setbacks, the demand for eastern German products suggests a lasting appeal. West Germans are increasingly discovering these products, which often possess comparable quality but have been hindered by poor marketing and low expectations. Thuringian sausage, for instance, is considered by some to be superior to its western counterparts. However, the overall success of eastern German brands in the unified market has been limited. Rotkäppchen sparkling wine is a notable exception, largely due to its acquisition of the West German brand Mumm. Television shows featuring Ostalgie themes often display advertisements for western rather than eastern products.

Criticism of Ostalgie often centers on the argument that the nostalgic portrayal of the GDR often obscures, minimizes, or idealizes the sociopolitical and economic conditions that existed in East Germany. More importantly, there is considerable controversy surrounding historical memory and the ethics of publicly displaying political symbols associated with the German Democratic Republic.

Historian Hubertus Knabe initiated a nationwide debate concerning the prohibition of GDR symbols associated with the SED dictatorship, specifically the state coat of arms, the insignia of the SED, FDJ, and MfS, and potentially the hammer and sickle.

Former civil rights activist and Berlin CDU member of the Bundestag, Günter Nooke, called for legal action against the display of GDR symbols, citing the FDJ's blue shirt, as worn by Witt on a DDR-themed television show. Nooke's demand referenced a 1954 ruling by the Federal Constitutional Court, which declared the West German FDJ an unconstitutional organization, imposing a ban and prohibiting the display of its symbols.Boystyle (ボーイズスタイル) is a Japanese fashion inspired by the Victorian era that, much like Aristocrat , is often linked to Lolita as a masculine brother style. Depending on how youthful or mature it looks it is separated into Ouji (王子/皇子) or Dandy (ダンディ). Despite the name containing the word "boy", it is an androgynous style that can be worn by anyone regardless of gender. Additionally, it also often incoperates details considered traditionally feminine, such as longer hair styles and makeup, challenging traditional masculine norms. Just like Lolita fashion is separated into such styles such as Sweet , Classic , and Gothic , the same substyles can also apply to Boystyle as well.

Boystyle fashion originated as the masculine counterpart of Lolita fashion in the late 90s/early 2000s. The fashion draws its primary visual inspiration from 18th and 19th-century European menswear, specifically the clothing worn by British Victorian young gentlemen and nobility, though it also contains elements from the French Rococo period. This historical focus is used to create a romantic, highly tailored, and fitted silhouette. The conceptual drive was to parallel the elegant femininity of the Lolita "princess" with a complementary, graceful masculinity.

The fashion is built upon specific garments and detailing to achieve a look that is both boyish and elegant, often subtly incorporating Gothic , Classic Lolita , or Punk influences. The overall presentation must be cohesive and highly detailed to successfully maintain the princely ideal.

The pants are the single most distinguishing component of an Boystyle oordinate, immediately separating the style from the skirts and petticoats of Lolita fashion. For Ouji, the primary pieces are shorts or knickerbockers, sometimes referred to as pumpkin pants, which are typically gathered at the knee. When long trousers are worn in Dandy, they appear in various styles, ranging from high-waisted to punk-influenced designs, sometimes featuring connected half-skirts for added complexity.

The ensemble above the waist is constructed around a fitted silhouette, generally consisting of a blouse, a vest, and a jacket. Blouses range from simple button-ups to more elaborate, frilly shirts adorned with jabots (neck ruffles), large collars, and lace accents. For dressier coordinates, jackets frequently utilize distinctive period cuts, such as swallowtail jackets or jackets that gracefully drape out at the waist, often inspired by pirate or historical military uniforms. Vests are highly common and may be worn alone or layered underneath a jacket.

The overall presentation relies on cohesive accessories and specific footwear. Shoes are typically matching boots, often presented in knee- or mid-calf length and either laced or chunky, sometimes featuring platforms to add visual bulk. One of the most popular accessories in Ouji fashion is hats, with the top hat being an essential item for achieving a sophisticated or sultry appearance. Other complementary items include silver necklaces or antique leather belts.

Like its Lolita counterpart, the style is divided into distinct aesthetic substyles. Sweet utilizes pastel colors and cute motifs, emphasizing an adorable and innocent coordination. Classic emphasizes elegance and refinement, often utilizing earthy tones to achieve a more sophisticated, mature princely feeling. Finally, Gothic uses black and rich jewel tones like bordeaux and navy, often conveying opulent decadence or angular designs.

Literally translating to "prince", Ouji embraces a youthful prince aesthetic with strong colors, extravagant accessories, and crowns. There is an abundance of royal looking fabrics such as silk, velvet, and high quality printed fabrics instead of cotton. It's important to prioritize well-fitted and tailored garments to enhance the royal aesthetic. Low-heeled boots also contribute significantly to add a touch of regality. It is the masculine counterpart to Hime Lolita .

As a substyle of Boystyle, Dandy has undergone a significant evolution that departs from its historical namesake with a slightly more modern gentleman aesthetic. It is generally on the more mature side and involves donning well-tailored suits, waistcoats, and long trousers, complemented with subtle jewelry matching the theme of the outfit. While overdressing is generally avoided, the rule of the thumb is that if it looks good and reflects confidence, it's acceptable.

Sometimes also considered a mature part of Boystyle, but Aristocrat generally also exists as its own individual style.Pachucos were members of a subculture of Mexican-American and Chicano youth that emerged in the late 1930s and 1940s, primarily in East Los Angeles and other U.S. cities along the U.S.-Mexico border. The subculture's female counterpart was known as the Pachuca . The aesthetic was a defiant and flamboyant expression of cultural identity in response to marginalization and racial prejudice from mainstream American society.

Pachucos were most distinguished by their fashion. They wore extravagant zoot suits which featured high-waisted, wide-legged pants with tight cuffs, paired with long jackets that had wide lapels and padded shoulders. They often accessorized with long watch chains, feathered hats, and tattoos. This look was inspired by Black men in Harlem who also donned zoot suits. The Pachuca style, which broke social taboos of the time, often included a female version of the zoot suit or, alternatively, short, tight skirts and heavy eye makeup. Men's hair was typically styled into ducktails or pompadours.

The subculture was also defined by its unique language, a slang dialect known as Caló that blended Spanish and English. The music of the subculture, which included danzón, cha cha cha, mambo, and swing, was played in dance halls. The media frequently portrayed Pachucos as gangsters and delinquents, and their refusal to abide by wartime rationing laws for clothing, which banned the production of zoot suits, led to heightened racial tensions and the Zoot Suit Riots of 1943. While the subculture faded by the 1950s, its legacy was later embraced by the Chicano movement and continues to be celebrated today as a symbol of Mexican pride and elegance.

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Centered in Milan's Piazza San Babila, the Paninari were known for congregating in the city's newly opened fast-food restaurants and sandwich bars ( paninoteche ), from which they derived their name. The subculture was largely apolitical, rejecting the social turmoil of the previous decade in favor of a hedonistic and brand-conscious lifestyle, glorifying expensive clothing and motorcycles as status symbols.

The Paninaro phenomenon was a product of the economic prosperity of 1980s Italy, known as the " Milano da bere " ("Milan to drink"). This era saw a surge in wealth and a cultural shift away from the political activism of the 1970s towards materialism and fun. Young people, particularly middle-class teenagers in Milan with generous allowances, began to form a new identity based on conspicuous consumption. They rejected traditional Italian culture, including its food and music, in favor of what they perceived as a modern, American way of life.

Their name originated from one of their earliest meeting spots, a sandwich bar named Al Panino . As the movement grew, their central hub became the Burghy fast-food restaurant in Piazza San Babila, which was seen as a more authentic American-style hangout. The subculture developed its own distinct slang, a mix of Italianized English and local dialect, with terms for insiders ( galli ) and outsiders ( gaggi or tamarrı ).

The movement spread from Milan across Italy, amplified by dedicated magazines like Il Paninaro (which sold 100,000 copies a month) and parodies on popular television shows like Drive In , whose Paninaro character played by Enzo Braschi, ironically, further popularized the trend. By the late 1980s, the subculture began to fade as its original members aged and new youth movements emerged.

It's important to note the historical context of the Paninari's main meeting place, Piazza San Babila. In the preceding decade of the 1970s, the piazza was the notorious hub for the " San Babilini ," a violent, right-wing neo-fascist youth group. While the Paninaro subculture that emerged in the same location in the 1980s was a distinct and separate phenomenon, this geographical overlap has led to some analysis of the Paninari's potential far-right undertones. However, the consensus among journalists and historians is that the Paninaro movement itself was fundamentally apolitical, or at least consciously indifferent to politics. Their core identity was built around rejecting the political turmoil of the previous generation in favor of consumerism, brand status, and an American-influenced lifestyle.

The Paninaro look was a specific and highly brand-conscious uniform, combining Italian luxury sportswear with American casual staples. Status was conveyed through the explicit display of logos from expensive and sought-after brands. The quintessential outfit consisted of a brightly colored puffer jacket, most iconically from Moncler. This was paired with classic Levi's 501 jeans, often rolled up at the ankle to display a pair of Timberland boots.

Other key brands that defined the look included Italian sportswear labels Stone Island and C.P. Company, sweatshirts from Best Company, and western-style belts from El Charro. The fashion was largely unisex, with both young men and women adopting the same brand-focused uniform. This obsession with specific labels as markers of identity and belonging is seen as a precursor to modern Hypebeast culture.

The slang associated with the Paninaro subculture is a mix of Italianized English, local Lombard-language words, recontextualized English words, and original/invented terms. Sometimes, the phrases and words they used were directly references to pop culture and television advertisements, reflecting their consumerist lifestyle.

Popular phrases include:

The musical taste of the Paninari reflected their rejection of traditional Italian culture and their embrace of international, particularly British and American, pop trends. They primarily listened to synth-pop, new wave , and New Romantic bands, with groups like Duran Duran being particularly influential; one of the main Paninaro magazines, Wild Boys , was named after their hit song.

The notable exception to their rejection of Italian music was Italo Disco , a genre of electronic dance music that was contemporary to the movement. In 1986, the British synth-pop duo Pet Shop Boys released the song " Paninaro " as a B-side to their single "Suburbia." The track, which paid tribute to the subculture's style and values, was embraced by the Paninari themselves and became an anthem for the movement.The Apaches were a notorious youth subculture prominent in the working-class neighborhoods of Paris, such as Belleville and Ménilmontant, during the Belle Époque (c. 1890s–1914). The name, a pejorative term coined by the press around 1902, compared their perceived savagery to that of the Native American Apache tribes and was used to describe young street toughs, petty criminals, and gang members. The Apaches cultivated a distinct identity defined by a specific style of dress, slang, and a defiant, anti-bourgeois attitude.

Their fashion included flared trousers, striped jerseys, red flannel sashes, and casquette caps, worn with a deliberate swagger. They were also associated with a unique style of street fighting and specific weaponry, such as knives and the custom-made "Apache revolver."

The French media created a moral panic around the subculture, frequently exaggerating their numbers and sensationalizing their street fights and criminal activities, which cemented their status as a legendary part of Parisian urban folklore. This romanticized image, especially their dramatic partner dance known as the valse chaloupée or "Apache Dance," went on to influence early 20th-century popular culture, appearing in films and stage performances worldwide.

The Apaches were a youth subculture in Paris whose identity was largely defined by the city's press during the Belle Époque. The name itself, popularized by journalists around 1902, was a pejorative allusion to the Native American Apache tribes, used to cast the city's street youths as "savage." The subculture was composed of young men, often from the impoverished working-class districts of eastern Paris, who formed territorial gangs for solidarity and survival. They were known for their involvement in petty crime, street fights, and a specific ambush tactic for robbing pedestrians. The French media fueled a moral panic around them, sensationalizing their activities and cementing their legendary status, a phenomenon amplified by the public rivalry over the famous courtesan Casque d'Or. The subculture largely disappeared with the outbreak of World War I, as many members were conscripted into the army or sent to penal colonies, such as French Guiana, though their romanticized image persisted in popular culture.

The Apache style was a deliberate statement of identity, a carefully constructed uniform that distinguished its members from both the bourgeoisie and the ordinary working class. It was a look that conveyed swagger and street pride, blending practical worker's garments with distinctive, stylized elements. The goal was to be well-dressed on their own terms, creating a look that was immediately recognizable within their own milieu but could also allow them to blend in when necessary.

The typical Apache outfit consisted of several key pieces. Over a striped jersey or a colored shirt, they wore either a blue worker's jacket ( bourgeron ) or a short, fitted black jacket. Their most iconic garment was the trousers, particularly the flared, elephant-leg style known as the "Bénard," which was tight at the thigh and wide at the ankle. These were held up by a wide, red or blue flannel sash ( ceinture de flanelle ) tied around the waist. For footwear, they favored polished boots or distinctive yellow shoes, sometimes adorned with golden buttons.

Headwear was essential, with the casquette (cap) being the most common choice. The specific style, from a soft, wide-visored "Deffe" cap to a flatter "Panet" style, could vary by neighborhood and signify allegiances. The scarf, usually red and knotted around the neck, was another crucial accessory, used for both style and as an improvised weapon. Jewelry was also popular, particularly rings. While younger members might wear cheap trinkets, more established Apaches wore heavy rings, often with skull or monster motifs, to signify their status. A cigarette, often unlit, dangling from the lips was a final, defiant accessory.

Apache hairstyles were also distinctive, with popular styles including hair kept long on top and short at the neck, or pomaded and combed into a specific shape with a curl on the temple. Tattoos were also common, often displaying anarchist slogans like "Vive l'Anarchie" ("Long Live Anarchy") or other symbols of their rebellious and anti-authoritarian stance.

The Apache subculture was associated with distinctive weaponry designed for street fighting and intimidation. The most famous of these is the Apache revolver, a multi-use firearm invented in the 1860s that combined a pinfire pepperbox revolver with a retractable knuckle duster for a grip and a rudimentary folding dagger. Lacking a proper barrel and sights, the weapon was inaccurate at a distance but effective for close-quarters combat and could be easily concealed. In addition to this specialized firearm, Apaches commonly used a type of long knife known as the surin. This knife was characterized by its distinct, pistol-like curved grip, a design that shared similarities with some traditional regional knives from the Pyrenees.

The subculture is famously associated with the Apache dance , known in French as the valse chaloupée , a highly dramatic partner dance that became a sensation in Parisian music halls around 1908. While its creation is debated, with figures like Max Dearly and the singer Mistinguett both credited, the dance is a theatrical representation of a violent argument between a male Apache gangster (often a pimp) and a woman. The choreography is intense and seemingly brutal, with the man appearing to throw, drag, and strike the woman, who in turn fights back before the conflict resolves into a rhythmic waxltz. Despite its depiction of violence, the dance was interpreted by some contemporaries as a raw and complex expression of passion, and even a form of female empowerment, showing a dynamic struggle rather than a simple victimization of women. Its shocking and dramatic nature made it a popular act on stages worldwide and a recurring feature in films.

The Apaches used a specific argot, or slang, to communicate and solidify their group identity, setting themselves apart from both mainstream society and other criminal groups. This slang was a rich and inventive language of the Parisian streets, drawing from older argots but with its own unique vocabulary. Terms were created to describe everything from their criminal activities and tools to the police and their victims. For example, the head was called the " sorbonne ," a knife was a " surin " or " eustache ," and money was " pèze ." This specialized language was a key part of the "Apacherie"; the lifestyle and attitude of the subculture.Parisian Girly is an interior design and fashion aesthetic popular in the late 2000s and early 2010s, primarily aimed at a young, female audience. The aesthetic is built on a romanticized and stereotypical depiction of Paris as the global capital of fashion, romance, and elegance. It is defined by a strict color palette of pink, black, and white, and a consistent set of motifs, including the Eiffel Tower, Breton stripes, poodles, and fleurs-de-lis.

The aesthetic is characterized by its bright, commercial, and often glittery presentation, overlapping significantly with the McBling , Curly Girly , and Shoe Diva trends of the same era. The style was pejoratively nicknamed " Oh Là Là Paris " by some French bloggers due to its heavy reliance on clichés about French culture.

While the aesthetic was not a consciously named trend in its original timespan, the core visual elements of the Parisian Girly aesthetic have distinct historical origins that were combined and repackaged for a 2000s audience. The association of pink with femininity was largely a post-World War II phenomenon, cemented by cultural figures like Marilyn Monroe. This was paired with a long-standing perception of French culture, particularly Parisian culture, as the pinnacle of chic and sophisticated style.

Specific motifs were drawn from French fashion history. Breton stripes, originally the 1858 uniform for the French Navy, were famously incorporated into high fashion by Coco Chanel in the 1910s as part of her effort to introduce comfortable, leisurely styles for women. The poodle, a traditional French dog breed, became a fashion symbol in the 1950s, most notably through the creation of the poodle skirt. These elements were revived in the late 2000s, but stripped of their original context and blended with the glam and glitter of the McBling era.

This modern iteration was heavily popularized through children's media, which consistently reinforced the image of Paris as a fairytale city of fashion. Mattel's Barbie franchise was a key driver, with films like Barbie: A Fashion Fairytale (2010). The Monster High franchise also contributed significantly with the movie Scaris, City of Frights (2013) and the character Rochelle Goyle, whose design heavily incorporates the aesthetic's key motifs and color scheme.

Parisian Girly is most commonly expressed through interior design, particularly for bedrooms and themed parties. The decor is built around the central, stereotypical image of Paris. The Eiffel Tower is the most prominent motif, appearing as statues, posters, and patterns on bedding and walls. Ornate furniture, such as headboards with decorative metalwork and elaborate mirror frames, is common.

The color scheme is strictly limited to pink, black, and white, often used in bold patterns like polka dots, zebra prints, and Breton stripes. Decorative elements often include mannequins, round hat boxes, chandeliers, and perfume bottles. Random French words like " Bonjour " or " C'est la vie " are frequently used as text-based decorations, written in elegant, cursive fonts. The aesthetic also has a strong connection to Shoe Diva -style vector illustrations, which often depict stylized young women shopping in Paris.

The fashion associated with the Parisian Girly aesthetic translates the decor's core elements into wearable outfits. It combines 2000s preppy staples with feminine and glamorous details. Key garments include dresses and skirts in A-line or flared silhouettes, often featuring patterns like polka dots or Breton stripes. Poodle skirts were repopularized as a nostalgic costume piece, frequently updated with Eiffel Tower or ribbon graphics. The influence of the concurrent McBling and Scene aesthetics is visible in the use of bold patterns like zebra print and a similar pink, black, and white color palette. Accessories are typically glamorous and include designer-inspired items, oversized sunglasses, and statement jewelry.

Though the aesthetic in itself is not related to music, songs associated with the trend are typically upbeat, feminine, and often incorporates French lyrics or themes, aligning with the romanticized vision of Paris. The sound is rooted in the Eurodance and bubblegum pop of the late 2000s and early 2010s. Artists like the German singer Lolita Jolie are representative of the style, with songs like " Joli Garçon " and " Bonjour Madame " that combine high-energy dance beats with French phrases. Music from the soundtracks of related media, such as " Life is a Fairytale " from Barbie: A Fashion Fairytale , is also incorporated.Paty de SP , or simply Paty and Patycore , is a popular aesthetic among Brazilian teenagers and young women. The aesthetic originated with female influencers and TikTok users in São Paulo and has since spread throughout other states of Brazil.

The term "Paty" derives from "Patricinha," a diminutive of the feminine personal name Patrícia. In the 1990s and 2000s, "Patricinha" was used to describe affluent middle or upper-class girls who frequented luxury establishments and exhibited a perceived frivolous demeanor. The etymology of the slang is uncertain, although some attribute its origin to the socialite Patrícia Leal.

During these decades, the slang in Brazil became associated with films such as Clueless and Mean Girls , where characters like Cher Horowitz and Regina George became iconic figures emulated by "Patys." The male counterpart to "Patricinha" is "Mauricinho," a diminutive of Maurício. However, more recently, the names "Enzo" or the term " Playboy " are also used to refer to affluent middle- or upper-class young men.

The Paty style drew significant inspiration from the Bubblegum Bitch aesthetic, but it underwent a reinvention in the mid-2020s.

The looks of Paty de SPs are closely linked to parties, clubs, shopping and social media, which include:

Paty de SP fashion borrows elements from the Mandrake , Baddie and Bimbocore aesthetics. It is common to use accessories and clothing such as:

Makeup and nails are very important for Patys. Normally, makeup is usually basic, using gloss, blush, highlighter, mascara and eyeliner. Nails must be long and decorated, with nail polish that matches the clothes (usually black).

As the Paty de SP aesthetic became popular in other states and regions of the country, related substyles emerged.

Paty do Nordeste, also called "Paty Nordestina" is a substyle originating in the northeast region of Brazil. Compared to Paty de SP that uses more neutral colors, the Patys Nordestinas's fashion predominates clothes in various vibrant colors and flowery prints. The shoes are usually gladiator sandals.

Also known as "Afropaty", Afro Paty is a substyle aimed at black girls, hence the Afro prefix. More than just a substyle, Afro Paty values the rise of black girls in fashion and in the high classes of Brazilian society. Afropatys typically wear similar clothes to a typical Paty de SP, although there may be other miscellaneous elements exclusive to Black culture, such as dreads and afro puffs.

Paty de RJ is a substyle originating in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Paty de RJ's clothes are usually white, more flashy and popular, with frayed denim shorts or mini skirts with belts, CASIO brand wristwatches, sneakers or kenners and silver accessories.

Paty do Sul or "Paty Sulista" is a substyle originating from the southern region of Brazil. Patys Sulistas tend to wear more basic clothes, sneakers and delicate accessories. As the predominant climate in the southern region is cold, many Patys Sulistas adapt coats and blazers to their look.

Paty Cristã is a substyle created for Christian girls. The clothes of Patys Cristãs vary depending on the Church they attend. Patys that follow Evangelicalism incorporate long dresses or long skirts, while those that follow Catholicism tend to wear similar clothing to the Paty do Nordeste, which includes tops and short skirts in solid colors. The shoes vary between sandals and high heels. Patys Cristãs usually carry a Bible and sometimes a handbag. Among their accessories, includes cross necklaces, associated with religion.

Paty de SP's music is the same as Mandrake 's, varying between Brazilian trap and funk. In the substyles of aesthetics, genres sometimes differ, for example of Paty de Nordeste varying between forró and funk, Paty do Sul between electronic music, trap and funk and Paty Cristã in gospel.Pianocore is an aesthetic centered on the literal application of musical notation and keyboard patterns to clothing and graphic design. Unlike broader musical aesthetics that focus on the lifestyle of a musician, Pianocore is a style that uses the structured high-contrast geometry of the piano as a decorative motif. It is primarily characterized by a monochrome color palette and is heavily associated with Japanese alternative street fashion and 1990s high-fashion maximalism.

The origins of the aesthetic can be traced to both European high fashion and Japanese subcultures. In the 1990s, the Italian fashion house Moschino produced a notable piano-key gown for their Cheap & Chic Autumn/Winter collection. This specific design gained pop culture notoriety when it was adapted into a minidress worn by Fran Drescher in the sitcom The Nanny , solidifying the "piano skirt" as a statement piece of 90s playful maximalism.

Simultaneously, the style became a staple in the Lolita fashion community in Japan. Brands like Angelic Pretty and Alice and the Pirates frequently utilized "border prints" featuring piano keys to ground complex, narrative coordinates. In the digital era, the aesthetic also has precedents in the design of Vocaloid characters like MAYU, whose official look features a prominent piano-key skirt and music-themed accessories, as well as Hatsune Miku's "Gothic" module on the Project Diva series.

In the 2020s, Pianocore saw a resurgence on platforms like Roblox and Pinterest. On Roblox, the style is used to create hyper-feminine avatars that blend the Twee and Lolita aesthetics with musical motifs, featuring layered lace, leg warmers, and the signature piano skirt.

The Pianocore visual aesthetic relies on the literal translation of sheet music into a graphic medium. It is almost entirely dependent on the stark contrast between black and white, though vintage variations use cream or sepia to mimic aged manuscripts. A defining characteristic is the piano-key border, typically found on the hems of skirts, dresses, or the top of hosiery. Visuals often incorporate treble clefs, eighth notes, and musical staves that flow organically across the surface of a garment or digital edit.

Pianocore fashion is often described as "performative elegance." The most iconic item is the piano-key minidress or pleated skirt. Other items include music-note printed tights, cardigans with stave patterns, and blouses with keyboard collars. The style includes literal instrument-themed items, such as violin-shaped bags, metronome necklaces, and treble-clef hair bows. Mary Janes, platform pumps, or boots are common, sometimes featuring music-note laces or keys painted on the soles.Pijos represent a social subculture in Spain, characterized by a focus on high-end fashion and the demonstration of elevated social status. The term "pijo" has evolved in Spain over several decades, encompassing two main aspects: individuals from wealthy families who conspicuously spend money on luxury goods and leisure, and, more broadly, young people who closely follow trends dictated by advertising and mass media, placing significant emphasis on appearance. Therefore one of the main components of the "Pijo" culture, is based on a high level of economic income, or at the very least, on the appearance of such.

"Pijos" are often perceived as shallow and smug, and the term is frequently used derogatorily towards wealthy, conservative upper-class individuals. Historically, and sometimes presently, they are associated with aspects of Spanish nationalism and traditionalist interests such as bullfighting , which faces dwindling support in Spain overall. The feminine counterpart to the "pijo" is the " Cayetana ". The closest cultural equivalent outside of Spain, would be " preppy ."

The "pijo" subculture maintains a strong emphasis on impeccable presentation, adhering to current fashion trends. Distinctive attire includes: for men, tailored trousers or pressed jeans, custom-made striped shirts, wool sweaters worn over the shoulders, diamond-patterned socks, and loafers, often accompanied by hair gel; for women, flowing blouses or men's shirts, skirts of varying lengths depending on current fashion, fitted jeans, suits, silk scarves, gold jewelry, and straightened hair; and for both, essential accessories such as sunglasses, watches, and specific luxury car brands favored and easily identified through advertising.

Associated activities include sports like tennis, skiing, and paddle tennis, as well as mainstream pop music. While not adhering to a uniform ideology, "pijos" are often criticized for their perceived conformism to societal norms.

The trajectory of the "Pijo" phenomenon in Spain extends from the 19th century to the present day, with evolving manifestations demonstrating broader social and economic shifts. The integration of Spain into the global free market economy catalyzed the emergence of a distinct "Pijo" archetype, characterized by conspicuous consumption and a perceived carefree demeanor.

The term "pijo" itself derives from the Spanish word " pija ," a colloquial term for penis. However, the word does not have sexual connotations. While "pijo" is the term used in Spain, similar identities are recognized in other countries under different names, such as "posh" or " preppy " in the United States, " kakker " in the Netherlands, " chetos " or " conchetos " in Argentina and Uruguay, " fresas " in Mexico, " pituco " in Peru, and " sifrino " in Venezuela."

From the mid-19th century onward, there were indications of elite fashion consciousness, as exemplified by figures such as Eugenia de Montijo. The early 20th century saw the popularization of specific leisure activities among the upper class, such as Alfonso XIII's influence on summering in Northern Spain. In the mid-20th century, social events within the Francoist elite, such as the 1950 marriage of Franco's daughter, contributed to the establishment of social archetypes. The 1960s saw the opening of venues like Bocaccio in Barcelona, and the adoption of high fashion by popular figures, demonstrating a growing trend of displaying status through consumerism.

The 1970s saw the opening of places like Puerto Banús, that acted as a place of showing wealth. Also nightclubs, such as Pacha became very popular. The 1980s saw the popularization of specific clothing items, like the Don Algodón sweatshirt, marked a phase of mass-marketed "Pijo" style. The band Hombres G brought the "Pijo" label into mainstream awareness, provoking discussions about its social connotations. The 1990s saw prominent displays of wealth by public figures, such as Isabel Preysler and Miguel Boyer, solidified the image of the "Pijo" as associated with luxury and social climbing. The influence of countercultural movements, such as grunge , began to influence parts of the "pijo" culture. The 21st century saw the rise of figures like "El Pequeño Nicolás" and the " Cayetano " archetype represent contemporary iterations of the "Pijo," demonstrating the influences of neoliberalism and changing social values. The rise of fast fashion, combined with the influence of figures such as Tamara Falcó, have influenced the female side of the "Pijo" culture.

The Pijo subculture places a major emphasis on maintaining a polished appearance, with adherence to current fashion trends being a core component. The concept of "pijo" fashion encompasses two main facets: one, the display of wealth through clothing and accessories, and two, a meticulous attention to personal presentation.

Distinct styles characterize male and female "pijo" attire. Men typically favor tailored trousers or pressed denim, complemented by striped, made-to-measure shirts. Wool sweaters draped over the shoulders, diamond-patterned socks, and loafers are also common. Hair is often styled with copious amounts of gel. Women's fashion includes flowing blouses or men's-style shirts, skirts of varying lengths depending on current trends, and fitted jeans. Suits, silk scarves, gold jewelry, and straightened hair are also prevalent.

Regardless of gender, certain accessories are considered essential: sunglasses, watches, and specific car brands favored for their association with status through advertising. These elements contribute to the visual markers that define the "pijo" identity.

Activities associated with the "Pijo" subculture include participation in sports traditionally linked to the upper class, such as tennis, golf, skiing, paddle tennis, and horseback riding, as well as regular gym attendance. Educational pursuits are often emphasized, with common career paths including law and business. Social activities feature attendance at upscale parties and events. Private schooling is a common educational background. Musical preferences lean towards mainstream pop and contemporary popular music, with some interest in electronic music. A strong emphasis is placed on fashion and staying current with trends disseminated through mass media and advertising. The display of material wealth, particularly through luxury vehicles, is also a common practice. Leisure and personal appearance are prioritized, and there is often an admiration for established, wealthy individuals.

Pijos typically come from affluent families and often receive education in private schools. Their behaviors and customs are characterized by a degree of perceived snobbishness, a strong adherence to fashion trends and specific brands for clothing and accessories, and participation in sports traditionally associated with the upper class. A distinctive manner of speaking is also recognized. Additionally, the term "pijo" is sometimes associated with right-wing political ideologies and support for bullfighting . Outside of the "pijo" youth culture, the identity is often subject to criticism, with assertions that individuals within the subculture lead an easy and superficial lifestyle. Notable public figures have been identified as exemplifying the archetype, including examples such as Alejandro Agag and Victoria Beckham.

The "Pijo" subculture is associated with specific linguistic patterns, including the incorporation of vocabulary and slang often linked to upper-class speech. There is also a tendency to include words from foreign languages, particularly English, within their speech.
The word "pijo" itself functions flexibly, capable of conveying both positive and negative connotations. Similar to the English term "posh," it can indicate elegance and refinement, or conversely, snobbishness.

Common expressions used within the "Pijo" subculture include:

The "Pijo" subculture is often criticized for its perceived focus on superficiality and its role in reinforcing social divisions. Many people express resentment towards individuals within this subculture, particularly those who display an attitude of elitism based on their perceived wealth or privilege. This resentment is fueled by the belief that some pijos prioritize material possessions and appearances over genuine substance, leading to accusations of shallowness.

A common criticism is that the associated lifestyle promotes an unrealistic and exclusionary image of success, where brand names and luxury items become symbols of status. This focus on material wealth is seen as contributing to a sense of separation between social classes, with those outside the "pijo" subculture feeling marginalized.

There's a common perception that some individuals within the subculture benefit from unearned advantages, such as nepotism in employment, which further fuels resentment. The evolution of the "pijo" from a figure of ridicule to one of aspiration is also a point of contention. Some argue that this shift normalizes and even glorifies a lifestyle that can be seen as out of touch with the realities faced by many. Additionally, the term has become so broadly applied that it risks obscuring real social inequalities, masking social privilege.

The video game Animal Crossing: New Horizons features an item called the "Argyle Vest." While the item itself may not directly reference the "Pijo" subculture in the game's original version, the Spanish localization of the game includes a description or name for this item that alludes to the "Pijo" phenomenon.Pițipoancă (sometimes shortened to Piți and plurally, Pițipoance ) is a slang term used in Romania to describe a subculture of women who stereotypically wear revealing clothes in bright colors or animal prints, high platform shoes often sporting a dark fake tan, "bad" makeup and plastic surgery. The fashion was mainly inspired by the McBling aesthetic. By the late 2010s this style had died almost completely, with the term hitting its peak in mainstream popularity around the late 2000s to the early 2010s, usually used in a derogatory way towards members of the subculture by the media.The Playboy is a cultural archetype and aesthetic centered on a wealthy, charismatic, and hedonistic man who lives a life of leisure and pleasure. The aesthetic is defined by a lavish lifestyle involving international travel ("jet-setting"), luxury goods such as sports cars and yachts, and a focus on romantic or sexual pursuits. The archetype is not necessarily tied to a profession but rather a state of being, where freedom from conventional work and social norms is a primary characteristic. It has been a prominent figure in popular culture, particularly in film and literature, since the mid-20th century.

The Playboy archetype became prominent in the post-World War II era of economic prosperity. It was embodied by real-life international socialites known for their immense wealth, extravagant lifestyles, and numerous romantic affairs, such as Porfirio Rubirosa and Gianni Agnelli. The term was famously popularized by Hugh Hefner with the launch of Playboy magazine in 1953, which promoted an aspirational lifestyle of sophistication, culture, and sexual liberation for the modern man.

In fiction, the archetype was cemented in the public consciousness by Ian Fleming's James Bond, particularly as portrayed by Sean Connery in the 1960s films. Bond represented an idealized version of the playboy: a sophisticated, well-traveled man of action, equally comfortable in a casino, on a ski slope, or in a high-stakes confrontation. This "millionaire playboy" trope has remained a staple of fiction, seen in characters like DC Comics' Bruce Wayne and Marvel's Tony Stark, who use their immense wealth and public persona as a cover for their heroic alter-egos.

The visual style of the Playboy aesthetic is a direct reflection of extreme wealth and a life of leisure. Common imagery includes luxury items such as sports cars, yachts, and private jets; opulent settings like mansions, high-end nightclubs, and exclusive resorts in tropical or alpine locations; and activities associated with the wealthy, such as gambling in casinos.

The fashion of the Playboy is a key signifier of his status and sophistication. The wardrobe is built around high-quality, often bespoke, clothing. Tailored suits in dark colors are standard for evening events and formal business. For leisure, the look might include elegant smoking jackets, high-quality polo shirts, linen trousers, and designer loafers. Accessories are crucial and serve as status symbols, with expensive watches like a Rolex, gold jewelry, and designer sunglasses being common elements. Unlike corporate attire, which signals professionalism, the Playboy's clothing is primarily a display of personal style, wealth, and a detachment from the necessity of work.

The core Playboy archetype has several variations that emphasize different aspects of the lifestyle.Pokemones , also known as HxCitos , were a youth subculture that originated in Chile in 2006. While projecting an image of melancholy and sadness, they were often described as happy and extroverted. Their identity was formed through a fusion of elements from various subcultures: Otaku culture (hobbies and worldview), Emo hairstyles, Hip-Hop fashion, Punk political ideologies, and local Chilean influences such as Flaites (musical preferences) and the Hardcore Punk scene.

They favored Reggaeton music and engaged in activities like perreo , ponceo (searching for partners at night), and kissing with other people. Their distinct dance style, Pokemoneo , whose origins are debated but may be connected to the Pokémon franchise, was a key aspect of their culture. They heavily utilized the internet, with Fotolog and MSN Messenger as their primary communication platforms.

The subculture's decline in the late-2000s was attributed to online harassment and violent threats, leading to its eventual disappearance or significant reduction. Its current presence is uncertain, with some arguing that the subculture disappeared as a distinct group by 2012.

Some common characteristics of Pokemón fashion are:

The Pokemón subculture exhibited a mix of different characteristics. While sharing a generally optimistic worldview and pacifist, open-minded values akin to Punks , and to a lesser extent Emos , they also displayed a strong focus on fantasy, alternative fashion, and elaborate anime-inspired hairstyles, influenced by fictional characters like Goku from Dragon Ball . Critics perceived this focus on appearance and a reluctance to embrace traditional markers of adulthood as childish. The name " Pokemón ," popularized by detractors and amplified by Chilean media, reflected this perceived immaturity, although the subculture was also previously known as " HxCitos " or "Hardcoritos." A significant portion of Pokemón members identified as LGBTQ+, particularly bisexual and/or polyamorous.

Some activities practiced by Pokemones included:

In Chile, the Pokemón subculture faced significant backlash from both the general public and members of various alternative subcultures. This stemmed from perceptions of plagiarism, the subculture's perceived " cringe " aesthetic, and instances of public sexual activity, including by minors. Media demonization further fueled this animosity, with some Pokemones seeking attention through public indecency.

Notably, Punks , Skinheads , gatekeeper Emos , Metalheads , and Hip-Hop fans were among the local subcultures and scenes opposed to the Pokemones. This opposition manifested in violent threats, primarily from far-right groups and Chilean nationalists, as well as verbal abuse. Escalating violence, including physical assaults in clubs and bars, prompted the Chilean government to launch an anti-violence campaign, "Foundation for a Better Future,"  in 2008. Consequently, the Pokemón subculture began to decline in the late-2000s and had largely faded from the mainstream by 2012.Pokeros were a working-class youth subculture from Spain that emerged in the early 2000s, distinct from but often confused with the broader " Cani / Choni " and " Bakala " subcultures.

The subculture is characterized by its intrinsic connection to "Poky" music (a Spanish derivative of Hard House ), a specific "high-contrast" fashion aesthetic involving sportswear and gold jewelry, and a lifestyle centered around macro-discotheques in the industrial outskirts of cities like Madrid and Valencia.

The term "Pokero" is derived directly from the music genre they consume: Poky. The origin of the word "Poky" itself is debated; some theories suggest it is an onomatopoeia used by DJs to mimic the pounding sound of the bass, while others claim it describes the hand gestures of followers dancing, which resembled dealing poker cards.

The subculture coalesced between 2000 and 2002 as a fusion of the earlier " Bakala " subculture (associated with the " Ruta del Bakalao " clubbing phenomenon in Valencia) and Gitano (Romani) aesthetics. It became heavily concentrated in the south of Madrid and the Levante region, flourishing in specific local nightclubs such as Radical, Panic, Fabrik, and KKO.

Pokeros were predominantly associated with working-class youth. The lifestyle centered on weekend attendance at large nightclubs located in industrial parks, far from city centers. In the social landscape of 2000s Spain, they were often involved in rivalries with other urban tribes/subcultures.

During their peak popularity, Pokeros were a highly polarizing figure in Spanish society and internet forum culture. Discussions from the time often characterized the group through lenses of class conflict and political tension. The subculture was frequently the target of classist ridicule, labeled as " garrulos " or " canis ." Forum archives from the era often stereotyped members as lacking academic ambition or intelligence, citing high school dropout rates.

Unlike other rave subcultures that are typically apolitical, Pokeros were often associated with Spanish nationalism. Primary sources from the era describe tensions between Pokeros and immigrant communities, specifically Latin American and Arab youths, which occasionally escalated into physical altercations with rival groups like the "Latin Kings."

Additionally, the subculture's association with "tuning" culture (modifying cars to play music at high volumes in public spaces) contributed to a reputation for being disruptive in urban environments.

By the late 2000s and early 2010s, the specific identity of the Pokero began to fade, largely assimilated into the broader and more commercially recognized " Cani " stereotype. Contemporary sources note that even during their peak, the terms were often conflated by outsiders, a confusion reflected in retrospective media where former members self-identify as "Canis" despite describing specific Pokero traits.

As the demographic matured, many members abandoned the aesthetic, described by former participants as "changing gold for silver" and moving away from the intense nightlife lifestyle.

Visual documentation of the subculture is notably scarce compared to other urban tribes. This is attributed to the community's reliance on closed or now-defunct social platforms common in Spain during the 2000s, such as Tuenti, Terra chat rooms, and MSN Messenger. Unlike later subcultures that migrated to persistent platforms like Instagram, much of the primary source photography for the Pokero movement was lost when these specific networks shut down or deleted user data.

The Pokero aesthetic is characterized by a specific uniform that signaled status and group belonging. The style favored bright phosphorescent colors and sportswear. Key garments included basketball jerseys (specifically Lakers), tracksuit jackets, and straight-leg denim jeans worn exclusively tucked into the socks or shoes. For men, leather jackets from the brand Chevignon were a high-value status symbol, often costing upwards of €300. Women frequently wore brands such as Sonique, Pitbull, and O’Neill.

High-top retro Nike sneakers were essential, particularly the Nike TN (Air Max Plus) and Nike Shox ("muelles"), often considered the most desirable footwear. The aesthetic emphasized ostentation through gold jewelry, including rings, seals, and " pasamanos " (bracelets connected to rings by a chain). Piercings were ubiquitous, particularly eyebrow, lip, and "anti-eyebrow" piercings.

For men, hairstyles typically featured a military-style shave on the sides with longer hair on top styled into a crest or spikes using hair straighteners and large amounts of gel or lacquer.

For women ( pokeras ), they typically wore very long hair, often utilizing extensions, dyed in black or blonde, occasionally styled in high buns reminiscent of Amy Winehouse.

A definitive accessory for both genders, but particularly women, was the large hand fan ( abanico ). These were often merchandise purchased at nightclubs, prominently displaying logos of venues like Radical, Fabrik, or Chocolate, serving both a practical function on the dancefloor and as a tribal identifier in photos.

Pokeros were predominantly associated with working-class youth. In Madrid, the Atocha railway station (specifically the "dome" area) served as a central meeting point for youths from various neighborhoods before traveling to nightclubs. The subculture also had a distinct seasonal migration: during the summer months, large numbers of Pokeros would travel to Benidorm, where local venues like "La Masía" were temporarily rebranded to host sessions from Madrid clubs like Radical.

Digitally, the culture flourished through platforms like Soulseek (used for downloading music), MSN Messenger, and niche forums such as atopechavalote.com, which were used to organize meetups at clubs like Panic.

The subculture adopted a specific sociolect heavily influenced by Gitano (Romani) slang, utilizing terms such as " primo " (cousin), " shurmano " (brother), and " chacho " to signal group belonging. In written digital communication (SMS and chats), they often employed a distinctive orthography that involved adding "-sh" to the beginning or end of words (e.g., writing " shu primikah ").

The subculture is a based around Poky , a subgenre of electronic music that evolved from British Hard House. It consolidated as an independent genre around 2003. The music is defined by powerful "tube" bases, a lack of complex melody, and a tempo ranging between 140 and 150 BPM (sometimes reaching 160).

A defining feature of the genre is the use of " Cantaditas "; sped-up vocals inserted into the tracks. Unlike other genres, these samples often drew from eclectic sources, including pop singers like Mónica Naranjo or melodies from video games like Super Mario Bros , intended to evoke childhood nostalgia.Poppers were a youth subculture that emerged in West Germany during the first half of the 1980s, with its origins tracing back to Hamburg high schools in 1979. Also known as "Snobs" in Austria, they were teenagers primarily from middle to upper-class backgrounds, who distinguished themselves through a conscious embrace of conformity, materialism, and lack of a political stance. This rejected the critique of consumerism seen in preceding countercultural movements; they rebelled against rebellion itself. In this sense, they were similar to the Paninaro subculture of Milan and the Teddy Boys of the 1950s.

The origin of the term "Popper" is unclear, but it does not come from English. In German, the plural form is " Die Popper ." Therefore, it can be simultaneously plural and singular.

Poppers were characterized by their conspicuous consumption and their embrace of "brand fetishism," which were novel concepts at the time. They were more concerned with aesthetics than the ethical and societal issues that had dominated previous youth movements, like the 1968 student protests or the alternative scene. Their pursuit of a sophisticated and deliberately consumerist style also served to differentiate them from traditional conservative bourgeois values. They replaced traditional values like the pursuit of harmony, obedience to authority, sense of duty, and modesty with values like hedonism, unconcealed egoism, and materialistic displays of wealth. This challenged both counterculture and traditional conservative circles.

This new youth movement, which originated in Hamburg high schools, was solely concerned with the "correct" consumerist attitude and had no interest in political messages. Buttons with slogans like " Atomkraft? Nein Danke " (Nuclear power? No thanks) were scorned as " Brokdorf-Broschen " (Brokdorf badges) by the Poppers in Hamburg's upscale Pöseldorf district. Their idea of "lived socialism" involved sharing champagne and cigarettes, as described by Thomas Heubner in his book " Die Rebellion der Betrogenen " (The Rebellion of the Deceived).

The media were fascinated by these affluent teenagers, who initially hailed mainly from wealthy Hanseatic families of doctors, bankers, and lawyers. Their presence in discos and schools across West Germany, all the way down to Bavaria, caused a stir. Die Zeit described them in 1980 as "the avant-garde of the conformists." Der Spiegel called them the "Kashmir-Kinder" (Cashmere Kids), while the Stern magazine labeled them the "chic philistines of tomorrow" in 1980.

A satirical " Popper etiquette guide ," created by Hamburg students Carola Rönneburg and Mathias Lorenz, quickly became essential reading for Poppers, copied and distributed among schools. On March 14, 1980, Zeitmagazin published " Die mit der Tolle " (The One with the Quiff), the first article about the Hamburg Popper scene.

The Popper movement began to decline in 1984 as its members graduated from high school and transitioned to university, leading to the dissolution of established groups. However, it influenced subsequent fashion trends. In modern-day Germany, there are still some people who identify as Poppers, although not as overt anymore.

An official perspective on the Poppers comes from the reports of Stasi, the secret police of East Germany. These reports were likely created in response to the subculture's presence in the West and the potential for its influence to spread eastward. They note the Poppers' departure from the politically charged youth subcultures prevalent in both East and West Germany at the time.

They identified Poppers as:

Exclusive and expensive brands like Burberry, Etienne Aigner, Burlington, Timberland, Fiorucci, Benetton, Diesel, and Lacoste were widely used by Poppers. Their signature hairstyle was the " Poppertolle " (Popper quiff): a short haircut with very short, shaved hair at the nape of the neck, shaved sideburns, longer, layered top hair, and a large, asymmetrical fringe that fell over the face, completely covering one eye. Poppers favored mopeds (like Piaggio's Bravo and Ciao) and scooters like the Vespa. They were often inspired by the look of university students from the northeastern United States ( Preppy ).

Poppers were highly image-conscious, and the schoolyard became their catwalk. Long fringes in the front, meticulously shaved necks in the back, trench coats, white jeans, and polished loafers were essential elements of their look. There was a strict dress code: wearing Levi's, or even Wrangler jeans, which was considered "proletarian." Fiorucci carrot jeans, ideally brought back from a family ski trip to Saint Moritz in the Swiss Alps, were the ultimate status symbol. Maintaining their hairstyles, the " Poppertolle " (quiff) or the " Schrägpony " (angled fringe) – nicknamed " Schwenker " or " Elbtunnel " – required a trip to the hairdresser every three weeks.

They smoked international cigarette brands such as Cartier, Dunhill, or JPS. They used fragrances by Cartier, Chanel, and Lagerfeld. The Poppers' fashion sense drew inspiration from figures like Felix Krull, Martin Fry, and Bryan Ferry, as well as the photography of Helmut Newton, all known for their elegance and exclusivity. Typical Popper attire included a combination of tassel loafers (then known as slippers or college shoes) and Burlington socks, the first carrot pants by Fiorucci, polo shirts with knitted and leather ties (including tie clips), and cashmere sweaters with V-necks, either in solid colors or with argyle patterns. The look was largely the same for both boys and girls.

The Popper lifestyle was characterized by hedonism, pursuing leisure, and a dedication to creating a specific image of effortless coolness and affluence, as seen in their social gatherings, fashion choices, and overall demeanor. Their lifestyle was something many teenagers from accross Germany wanted to copy at the time. Although the trend started among wealthy young people in Hamburg, it spread throughout West Germany and Berlin. Teenagers from all backgrounds tried to dress and act like them.

Poppers chose to spend their time in upscale locations.  In Hamburg, they frequented places like the ice cream parlor "Filippi" and the discotheque "Klimperkiste." These were seen as trendy gathering spots due to philosophy of "to see and be seen," similar to the Paninaro subculture from Milan. They often wore their characteristic clothing, like cashmere sweaters and white carrot pants, to these places, reinforcing their image as a wealthy and fashionable group.

Social interaction was another way Poppers presented this image. " Popper-Knigge ," a satirical guidebook, jokingly told Poppers to always have clever things to say at parties.

Poppers also put a lot of effort into their appearance. They frequently went to the hairdresser to maintain their hairstyles, known as the " tolle " (quiff) or " schrägpony " (angled fringe). These were sometimes called " Schwenker " (swinger) or " Elbtunnel ."

They intentionally separated themselves from mainstream society and acted as though they were better than others. Along with their hedonism and rejection of the political activism common at the time, they were often disliked by other youth subcultures , such as punks and rockers . These groups sometimes used slogans like " Haut die Popper platt wie'n Whopper " (Flatten the Poppers like a Whopper) to make fun of them.

Unlike many youth subcultures of the time, Poppers did not actually have a singular, defining musical genre. Their musical tastes leaned towards the Synth-Pop and New Romantic sounds of the early 1980s, characterized by the prominent use of synthesizers and orchestral arrangements. They listened to bands and albums such as ABC ( The Lexicon of Love ), Haircut 100 ( Pelican West ), Spandau Ballet ( True ), and Roxy Music. The East German police incorrectly associated them with disco and dance music, possibly due to the commercial success of all these genres in contrast with countercultural movements.Power Dressing is a fashion style that emerged in the late 1970s and became a defining aesthetic of the 1980s, characterized by clothing designed to project authority, competence, and confidence in professional environments.

The trend was primarily adopted by a new generation of women entering male-dominated corporate and political fields, who used fashion as a tool to establish their seriousness and equality. The quintessential garment of the style was the power suit, which featured sharp tailoring and, most iconically, wide, padded shoulders. This silhouette deliberately mimicked the traditionally masculine shape of a man's suit jacket, creating a visual expression of strength and ambition.

While closely associated with the female professional, the ethos of power dressing also applied to men's corporate wear during the era and was a central component of the Yuppie subculture.

The conceptual roots of Power Dressing can be traced to the early 20th century, with designers like Coco Chanel and Elsa Schiaparelli incorporating masculine elements into women's fashion to offer greater freedom and authority. A pivotal moment was Yves Saint Laurent's creation of the "Le Smoking" tuxedo for women in 1966, which directly translated a male garment into a symbol of female empowerment.

The trend solidified in the late 1970s and reached its peak in the 1980s, as a growing number of women entered high-powered corporate and political roles. The power suit, famously championed by designers like Giorgio Armani and public figures like British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, became the uniform for the professional woman. Its defining feature, the wide, padded shoulder, was intended to create an imposing, authoritative silhouette in environments traditionally dominated by men. As the "greed is good" ethos of the 1980s waned, the style evolved into softer, more understated forms in the 1990s, though its core elements continue to be revived in contemporary fashion.

The Power Dressing aesthetic is defined by sharp, structured tailoring designed to project a commanding presence. The cornerstone of the style is the power suit, which for women typically consisted of a broad-shouldered blazer and a matching pencil skirt or trousers. The most iconic feature was the use of shoulder pads, which created a strong, almost masculine silhouette intended to convey authority and confidence in the workplace. This was often paired with a simple silk blouse and accessorized with bold, statement jewelry, wide belts, and high heels. Hairstyles were typically neat and professional, such as voluminous bobs, complementing the overall polished and assertive look.

The Power Dressing aesthetic was heavily popularized by film and television in the 1980s, which showcased the style as the uniform for ambitious and successful characters.

Several designers were instrumental in defining and popularizing the Power Dressing look of the 1970s and 1980s.Preppy (short for preparatory) is an American subculture and style that originated from the traditions of elite Northeastern university-preparatory schools and the Ivy League universities they fed into during the early to mid-20th century. Rooted in the leisure activities of the " Old Money " WASP (White Anglo-Saxon Protestant) establishment, the aesthetic is defined by a specific code of dress, etiquette, and mannerisms intended to signal an upper-class background.

Classic Preppy fashion consists of durable, high-quality sportswear adapted for everyday life, projecting an air of casual confidence and inherited class. Key wardrobe staples include polo shirts, oxford cloth button-down shirts, chinos, madras shorts, cable-knit sweaters, and boat shoes from iconic brands like Ralph Lauren, Brooks Brothers, and Lacoste.

The subculture where Preppy originates from relies on pursuing a culture of ambition; at school and university age, this typically is done through having the best grades, internships, and extracurriculars. This is done to develop a later adult life of having a high-paying career important to society. In doing this, there is often an element of competition against fellow students, especially in fields that have developed this culture, such as in finance, law, and medicine.

However, conversely, Preppy culture and prestige relies mostly on networking, where careers are created through connections. Often, friendships and familial relationships are the basis of being hired, as a CEO would hire a friend or family member. Because of this, there are variations on discipline within Preppy culture, with some being workaholics and others being overly indulgent.

Many Preps operate under the saying "Work hard, play hard," where an intense career or field of study is balanced by vacations, sports, and partying, which often includes scandals such as drugs and underage drinking.

Despite the conspicuous show of wealth in having a vacation home, expensive hobbies, etc., the expectation is that members of the family would have an air of nonchalance towards money . This is based on the Old Money understanding that because those who grew up around wealth are used to their lifestyle and would not seek to flaunt money. The adage "Money talks, wealth whispers" is an example of this mentality. So, certain specific shows of wealth common among New Money , such as logos on designer goods (with an exception of Burberry's checkered pattern and Ralph Lauren's horse logo), McMansions (as opposed to historic), and trend-following would be deemed poor taste. This has led to visuals and fashion that appear modest and restrained but actually connotates generations of wealth.

The Preppy aesthetic and subculture is linked with WASP (white, Anglo-Saxon Protestant) culture in the United States. In this country, there exists a group of people whose ancestors came to the United States during its founding, such as on the Mayflower or with the Puritans. Many of these ancestors became wealthy and were greatly involved in the political, social, and economic culture of the U.S. Part of the generation of wealth is education, and in the United States, Harvard and Princeton were some of the earliest universities to be established. With these influential figures attending these schools, a level of prestige became built around them. The Ivy League universities are concentrated in New England, where the United States was also largely founded.

Much of the traditions associated with Prep originated in the 1900s, where university culture became more distinctive in the Ivy League universities. For example, tweed jackets, polo coats and button-down shirts became popular attire for Preps, as these WASPs mimicked the fashion they saw in English sporting culture . This was also the time period where college sports emerged. As a result, school spirit appeared in fashion, such as knitted sweaters with the university's logo on it.

The people who were considered Preppy were these white families who had generational wealth and sent their children to preparatory schools to prepare them to attend prestigious universities and the social expectations of succeeding in areas such as law, politics, medicine, philanthropy, and academia. As a result of the insular community and its emphasis on appearing reputable (see Philosophy for a greater explanation), Preps developed multiple habits, tastes, and mannerisms that are indicative of their class.

It is also worth discussing that this way of life is applicable in English culture. In England, the expectation for the upper class is to attend Oxford or Cambridge (two very prestigious universities), wear an academic style, have a small hereditary social group, and have mannerisms consdered subdued and of good taste. However, the style of Preppy is considered American, as the highlighted brands, writings, and cultural understandings are distinctly American . In England, Preppy culture is deemed "posh," which is an adjective describing those who are wealthy.

The definition of Preppy expanded beyond WASPs only to include the Irish, who are Catholic and thus not considered WASPs. This is especially true after the Kennedy political dynasty came to be in the 1930s. However, the subculture, which relies on generational wealth, still excludes many minorities who do not have such a background in the United States. Despite this, Preppy fashion and activities are participated in by other races, as this lifestyle is associated with prestige in the United States. For example, Barack Obama, who did not grow up in this environment, goes to the Hamptons and wears Preppy fashion .

Throughout history, Preppy style was also used by various black Americans, who were excluded from this culture, as a subversion of expectations against the style worn by the white elite .

In 1980, Lisa Birnbach published The Official Preppy Handbook , which described many aspects of upper-middle-class WASP life in a tongue-in-cheek tone. It outlines the life of a Preppy, including the fashion, colleges, activities, etc. of such a person to an audience that typically would not have been exposed to such an exclusive class of people. Although the book was meant to be humorous, many Preps today take it extremely seriously, while acknowledging some of the information is dated.

The use of the term Preppy has shifted from a specific geographic and social circle into meaning generally mainstream, wealthy women who are outgoing and in high school or college. This is because these young women belonged to this social circle but deviated from the traditional look, which now includes athleisure and trendy items typically scoffed at by original Preps.

In the 2000s , Preppy fashion influenced mainstream youth culture, wherein mall brands used the image of aspirational college students. While many garments and fashion motifs were replicated from the original Preppy subculture, the Ivy League connotation was lessened, instead focusing on California beaches and athleticism.

As a result of this shift, people in the 2020s are now labeling traditionally Preppy aesthetics as Old Money, and the aesthetic has greatly influenced online aesthetics such as Dark Academia .

Now, Preppy can also mean a cheerful, almost neon color and associations with certain aspirational beauty and fashion brands that Gen Alpha follows. Information can be found under TikTok Preppy.

The Preppy visual aesthetic draws a lot of cues from the upper classes of society that would often eventually find themselves attending some sort of Ivy League school like Harvard, Princeton or Yale.

There are two generally accepted variants of the Preppy aesthetic. One is New England Prep or East Coast Prep , which has a lot of nautical elements like anchors, compasses, ships, lighthouses, and whales. Hydrangeas are also associated with New England Prep as they are common on Nantucket. The colors used are found in nature - olive green, navy blue, beige, tan, and dark red.

The other is Southern Prep , which includes elements like palm trees, elephants, monkeys, and zebras. Lilly Pulitzer is a good example of these types of patterns. The colors are much brighter and more saturated: hot pink, kelly green, lime green, bright yellow, turquoise, and orange. Contrasting colors are often paired together: pink with green or blue, orange with green or blue, red with blue or green, and yellow with blue or turquoise. Purple and shades of purple like lavender are not commonly used. Southern Prep is more casual than New England Prep and bare arms and legs are more common.

Members of sororities and fraternities often come from middle class and upper class families who follow the Preppy aesthetic. While members of sororities and fraternities are expected to be on their best behavior at all times, the darker side of Greek Life (hazing, drugs, alcoholism and hard partying, rape, and racism) makes people wary of Preps.

During the spring and summer, the "Chads" and "Beckys" who visit Nantucket are subjects of mockery for their basic drink orders, boring sense of fashion, and inexperience driving on sand. Chads and Beckys are also associated with the phrase "My father is a lawyer."

Named after the Ivy League colleges, this is influenced be the clothing worn by college students beginning in the 1940s to about the 1960s.

The “grown up” extension of Ivy, it is more noticeably Vintage than Preppy. Bright colors are usually only used for a single accent piece, such as socks. Suits are tweed, Prince of Wales check (usually gray), or navy pinstripe. Blazers can be double breasted or single breasted. Elbow patches on tweed jackets are common. Recognizable due to the pairing of loafers with a two or three piece suit.

Adds sneakers, jeans (sometimes cuffed at the ankles), and baseball caps to outfits that include blazers. Argyle is a common pattern for socks. Facial hair such as beards and mustaches are worn by men.

The Tommy Hilfiger designs from the 2000s, and most of the outfits worn by Kiel James and Sarah Patrick are really Neo Prep.

Heavily influenced by the book and movie Gone with the Wind , the Southern Belle aesthetic values tradition, family, politeness, and femininity. It is controversial due to the historical association with slavery, and modern associations with racism and the Confederacy. Plantation Weddings are common for Southern couples.

Although the Preppy aesthetic is not inherently political, the aesthetic was formed by people who had similar socioeconomic background, heritage and political leanings. Traditionally, Preps were associated with WASP culture (white Anglo-Saxon Protestant), but there is no requirement of race or religion to follow the aesthetic. The most famous Preppy family, the Kennedys, are Catholic.

The WASP background has led many Preps to have an idealized idea of American history, glossing over and even ignoring significant events and the way in which they affected the lives of Native Americans, Black Americans, LGBTQIA+ people, and disabled people.

An example of this is how the Republican Party is often referred to by Republicans as "The Party of Lincoln." While it is true that President Abraham Lincoln was a Republican, the Republican Party of the time had an ideology which was more closely aligned with the Democratic Party of today.

The Preps of the 1980s were overwhelmingly supporters of President Ronald Reagan. To this day, Preps who were not even born when Reagan was president associate him with the Prep aesthetic, ignoring his denial of the AIDs Crisis in the 1980s, a choice which killed thousands of members of the LGBTQIA+ community. Other preps are far more liberal, active in the Black Lives Matter movement, and fight for women's and LGBTQ+ rights. In younger Preps, this liberalism is a backlash against the actions of Donald Trump and the modern Republican party.

Many members of mainstream society are uncomfortable with Southern Preps because they believe these people uphold outdated and dangerous ideals, due to the American South's association with slavery, antisemitism, racism, and homophobia. The practice of Plantation Weddings and the culture of the Southern Belle, influenced by movies like Gone with the Wind all play into this. The actual degree to which a person who follows the prep aesthetic upholds these ideals (if at all) varies from person to person.

The brand Brooks Brothers became tainted in June 2020 when Mark McCloskey was photographed wearing a Brooks Brothers polo while threatening Black Lives Matter demonstrators alongside his wife Patricia.

For men, Preppy fashion has its roots in the Ivy League style of dress, which started around 1912 and became more established in the late 1950s. J. Press represented the quintessential Ivy League style, stemming from the collegiate traditions of Ivy League schools. In the mid-twentieth century J. Press and Brooks Brothers both had stores on Ivy League school campuses, including Harvard, Princeton, and Yale. Preppy fashion emerged in the late 1970s with cues from the original Ivy League style. Some typical Preppy styles also reflect traditional upper-class leisure activities, once associated with the wealthy English who once had a strong political and social position in the Northeast and New England, such as polo, sailing, hunting, fencing, crew rowing, lacrosse, golf, tennis, rugby, squash and swimming. This association with old English inspired outdoor activities can be seen in Preppy fashion, through stripes and colors, equestrian clothing, field jackets, and nautical-themed accessories. By the 1980s, mass marketing of brands such as Lacoste, Daniel Cremieux, Izod, and Dooney & Bourke became associated with Preppy style in many areas of the US and Canada.

For women, Preppy-influenced fashions emerged in the 1960s, a trend led by designers such as Perry Ellis and Lilly Pulitzer, influenced by designers such as Oleg Cassini, and popularized by female students at the Seven Sisters Colleges, sister institutions to the Ivy League. These classic ensembles of the 1960s and 1970s include tailored skirt suits, low heels, wrap dresses, shift dresses, silk or cotton blouses, and jewelry with a refined style. Such clothing often includes elements drawn from typical Preppy style, such as nautical stripes, pastel colours, or equestrian details.

Though traditional interest in Preppy style fell in the 1990s, some of the newer outfitters such as Ralph Lauren, J. Crew, Vineyard Vines, Gant, and Elizabeth McKay are perceived as having preppy styles, with designers such as Marc Jacobs and Luella Bartley adding the Preppy style into their clothes in the 1990s. The Preppy aesthetic fell out of popularity when the Financial Crisis of 2007–2008 made signifiers of wealth unpopular.

Those who follow the Preppy aesthetic pride themselves on how timeless it is. In reality, the Preppy aesthetic goes in and out of fashion. Previously strict followers of the Prep aesthetic such as cousins Audrey Kelleher, Charles McBryde, and Jenna Sweeney, have moved towards a more Bohemian aesthetic.

Because many activities have been associated with the neighborhoods of New England's wealthy, these activities have become emblematic of the Preppy, Ivy League-aspiring crowds. Sports have often been used to make a college applicant look more impressive, and sports that are more obscure and traditionally associated with these classes are played because the money involved keeps out other students who would have been able to use their skills to succeed, as in basketball or soccer. Many of these non-sporting activities are associated with older "company men" who got to where they are via generational wealth and economic and social capital. Many of these were described in a now retracted Atlantic article which exposed many readers to the dramatic world of obscure sports (with more drama than the truth.) Here is another accurate one.Quinqui (sometimes spelled Kinki or Kinky ) is a Spanish subculture and social identity that emerged in the late 1970s and 1980s during the Spanish transition to democracy era. It originated in the marginalized, working-class suburbs ( extrarradios ) of major cities like Madrid, Barcelona, and Bilbao. The term "Quinqui" is derived from quincallero , referring to nomadic groups who traditionally traded in scrap metal or cheap items ( quincalla ).

The aesthetic is a lived reality of poverty and survival that was later popularized and romanticized by a specific film genre known as " Cine Quinqui ." It serves as the essential origin aesthetic for modern Spanish working-class street styles, such as Cani , Raxet , and MDLR .

The Quinqui phenomenon emerged from the sociopolitical gap between the end of Francisco Franco's dictatorship in 1975 and the arrival of modern democracy. While the city centers experienced the " Movida Madrileña ," a celebration of artistic and sexual freedom, the working-class suburbs were left behind, facing high unemployment, lack of education, and a devastating heroin epidemic. These styles grew in the housing projects ( polígonos ) built during the 1960s " desarrollismo " era to house internal migrants from rural Spain.

For many youths, survival meant engaging in petty crime, robbery ( tirones ), and drug dealing, which they viewed as a rejection of a system that offered them no future. The 1980s were marked by a severe heroin crisis that decimated the Quinqui generation, leading to high rates of imprisonment and deaths from AIDS.

The Quinqui look was characterized by a " gamberro " (hooligan) style that utilized affordable, youthful clothing available at the time. Common items included low-rise flared or bell-bottom jeans, tight " pitillo " pants, and open-chested shirts often worn with gold chains. Leather or denim jackets ( chupas ) were staples, along with Weiss t-shirts. High-top sneakers from Spanish brands like J'hayber or Paredes were iconic to the movement. Men often wore their hair in mullets or long, unkempt manes. Hand-poked prison tattoos ( tatuajes talegueros ) were common among those who had spent time in correctional facilities. The Seat 124 and Seat 1430 became synonymous with Quinqui culture, frequently used in high-speed police chases portrayed in films.

The aesthetic was cemented through a symbiotic relationship with cinema. Filmmakers like José Antonio de la Loma and Eloy de la Iglesia created films that depicted the lives of these marginalized youths. Many of the lead actors were real-life delinquents, such as El Torete and José Luis Manzano, playing fictionalized versions of themselves, which added a raw, documentary-like quality to the films.

The soundtrack of the Quinqui era was defined by Rumba Flamenca and a specific genre of music known as " Rumba Quinqui " or " Rumba Carcelera ", featuring artists who sang about street life, prison, and drugs. Artists such as Los Chichos, Los Chunguitos, and Las Grecas were iconic to the sound of the movement.

Modern artists like El Coleta, Jarfaiter, Rosalía, and C. Tangana have revived and aestheticized Quinqui motifs in their music and videos, bringing the style back into contemporary fashion and pop culture.Racaille (French, originally means "scum") are a type of french gangster that wears a Lacoste cap, usually tight jeans or sweatpants. This term refers to a despicable group, often the poorest part of the population. For some, a sense of socio-economic, for others a more socio-cultural, the definition referring to "a mass of despicable" does not recognize individual distinction, its use is invariable in the singular, feminine: "La racaille" ; sometimes coupled with a partitif: "de la racaille". "Racaille" generally means the publicized fringes of society, with the intelligence, motives and numerous privileges for the castes thus denoting them.

Nowadays, the Racailles can be called «Lacoste TN» (which refers to their clothing style, most of the time being a Lacoste sportswear with Nike TN sneakers) or «Les gars de cité» (meaning Guys from the Hood).

Clothes related to the racaille aesthetic include:

As mentionned before, Racailles usually listen to french rappers :Raggare is a youth subculture present since the 1950s, primarily found in rural areas and smaller towns of Sweden and, to a lesser extent, Norway and Finland. They participate in car cruising events. Their origins are linked to increased prosperity and the rise of rock music in the mid-1950s, influenced by American figures like Elvis Presley. It is often associated with middle-aged men who are enthusiastic about classic cars produced in the United States.

Predominantly a working-class youth culture, they emphasize a masculine, tough style, with men wearing jeans and greased, combed hairstyles, and women sporting voluminous hairdos. Their affinity for American cars reflected optimism, while their exaggerated masculinity was a reaction to changing gender roles. The term " Raggare " is both plural and singular. This slang term has uncertain origins, possibly related to "picking up" women (pursuing romantic encounters).

The subculture drew heavy inspiration from American rock'n'roll, rockabilly , and greaser culture, including hot rod cars and greased hairstyles. Similar subcultures existed across Western Europe, but Raggare are particularly enduring in Sweden.

The term "Raggare" is a slang term of uncertain origin. One theory suggests a connection to " ragg ," which can refer to coarse wool, bristles, and unkempt hair. Another theory posits that it derives from " ragga upp ," slang for acquiring items, or " ragga ," meaning to pursue sexual relationships, originally a driver's term for "carrying a load." An example of this usage is "ragga (catch) girls." In the 1960s, Swedish mods referred to male Raggare as " sunar " and female Raggare as " dorisar ."

The Raggare subculture's emergence in 1950s Sweden was facilitated by the nation's neutrality and lack of wartime destruction during World War II. This allowed Sweden's infrastructure and export economy to flourish, enabling working-class youths to acquire cars. During this decade, the Swedish welfare state expanded, leading to new lifestyles inspired by the " American Dream ." Young people had increased financial resources and leisure time, and those within the motorized youth subculture were termed "Raggare." The Raggare culture's development was intertwined with rising prosperity and the introduction of rock music in the mid-1950s, with influences including Elvis Presley, Tommy Steele, and Bill Haley. This culture primarily attracted working-class youth, while students and high school students adopted different styles.

Initially, Raggare caused public concern due to associations with alcohol, violence, reckless driving, and sexual activity. Raggare gangs were viewed as a social problem, exemplified by the 1959 film " Raggare! ". The "Road Devils," a Stockholm-based gang formed in the late 1950s by Bosse "Gamen" Sandberg, gained significant notoriety in the press, drawing its name from the 1957 film " Hot Rod Rumble ."

The initial Raggare gangs emerged in Stockholm in the late-1950s. Those most written about in the press were "The Road Devils." Their leader figure was Bosse "Gamen" Sandberg. The Road Devils displayed signs under their rear bumper with the text: The Road Devils, San Fernando, and later San Fernando was replaced with the membership number. The Road Devils were commonly called the Road Devils by the contemporary press. Other major Raggare clubs in Stockholm at that time were The Car Angels and Teddy Boys Car Club. The large Raggare riots in Kristianstad occurred on July 26, 1959, between Raggare and the police. Newspapers wrote large headlines and politicians investigated the events. Around 1962–1964, the first myth-enshrouded Raggare clubs had disappeared.

Raggare culture was heavily influenced by American rock'n'roll culture, including large cars and greased hairstyles. Similar subcultures existed in most Western European countries, but nowhere have they been as vigorous as in Sweden, except possibly in Finland. In the later 1970s, conflicts arose between Raggare and punks . Eddie Meduza released the single " Punkjävlar " in 1978, which became a cult classic. Punk bands, both Swedish and foreign, faced attacks from Raggare gangs during Swedish tours, and Swedish punk bands wrote songs criticizing Raggare culture, such as Rude Kids' " Raggare Is a Bunch of Motherfuckers ." During Magnus Uggla's 1979 folk park tour, Raggare reacted angrily, throwing stones and eggs after Expressen reported on his single " Centrumhets ," about Raggare in Nässjö. Raggare culture has been subject to parody, notably by the characters Ronny and Ragge, portrayed by Peter Settman and Fredde Granberg in the early 1990s.

Raggare fashion draws heavily from 1950s rockabilly styles. Key elements include blue jeans, cowboy boots, white T-shirts (sometimes with folded sleeves to hold cigarettes), and leather or denim jackets. Hairstyles are styled with Brylcreem or other pomades. Early Raggare members were among the first in Stockholm to wear Wrangler Blue Bell jeans, obtained from sailors returning from the United States. Varsity jackets, leather boots with side buckles, and American football jackets with club names painted on the back were also common attire. Some Raggare wore jean jackets, and attached fox tails to their car antennas, known as " raggarsvansar ."

Women within the Raggare subculture typically wear high heels, eye-liner, light lip powder, and hairstyles reminiscent of movie stars. Ponytails with side brooches and hula hoops were also popular.

The Confederate battle flag is a prominent symbol within some members of the Raggare subculture, viewed by its followers as a representation of rebellion and American culture, rather than its association with slavery and racism in modern U.S politics. Essentially, it is used as a kitsch symbol associated with Americana , divorced from its historical context or contemporary political associations.

Cars are a core component of Raggare culture, with a focus on V8-powered and other large American automobiles. The 1960s Pontiac Bonneville is cited as a frequent choice due to its availability, classic design, affordability, and spacious interior. Raggare culture shares similarities with hot rod culture, yet Raggare often utilize unmodified American cars, which are distinctive in Sweden's automotive landscape. Some Raggare also operate European vehicles from the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. Estimates suggest that Sweden has a high concentration of restored 1950s American cars. For example, the number of 1958 Cadillac convertibles in Sweden exceeds the initial sales figures. It is estimated that at one point between 4,000 and 5,000 classic American cars were imported to Sweden each year.

The " pilsnerraggare ," the youngest generation within the subculture, prioritizes driving older, often worn-out American cars, consuming alcohol, and playing loud music, with less emphasis on vehicle restoration. Raggare culture emerged in the 1950s, fueled by the availability of cars for middle-class youth following Sweden's economic growth post-World War II. American cars represented a symbol of status and served as social spaces. If a Raggare was unable to obtain an American car, they often opt for a Volvo painted black as an alternative.

The Raggare subculture, since its emergence in the late 1950s, gained notoriety for its association with a rebellious lifestyle and rockabilly music. While Raggare were certainly not the only subculture in Sweden, they received the most media attention. In 1977, the rise of punk subculture shifted the media spotlight, becoming the focus of public attention. This led to conflict between Raggare and punks, with Raggare participating in attacks against punk individuals.

Media portrayal contributed to tensions by depicting punks in a negative light. In certain areas, like Gothenburg, Raggare and punk subcultures coexisted, with punk bands performing at Raggare venues. However, conflicts were prevalent in smaller towns. Musicians who created punk songs that contained lyrics that were opposed to Raggare culture, such as " Raggar Ragge " by Urban Släke, faced threats. The song " Raggare is a bunch of motherfuckers " by Rude Kids also caused Raggare backlash against the band. Eddie Meduza's song " Punkjävlar " became an anthem for Raggare. Over time, these conflicts diminished, and some musical groups adopted elements of both Raggare and punk cultures.Reggaetoneros (or Reguetoneros ) are a youth subculture and lifestyle that originated in the Caribbean and Latin America in the mid-2000s, coinciding with the mass internationalization of the reggaeton music genre. This subculture is characterized by the combination of athletic streetwear, luxury accessories, and distinctive grooming and adherence to the customs and values disseminated by the music. The subculture is prominent throughout Spanish-speaking countries, particularly in Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, Colombia, and Panama.

Reggaeton is an electronic music genre with origins in Panama and Puerto Rico during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Its creation is a product of transnational cultural fusion, combining Jamaican and Caribbean musical traditions with elements of American hip-hop and Latin American sounds.

Reggaeton evolved primarily from two separate, but related, Caribbean scenes:

Early productions, such as Playero 37 (1992) and The Noise (1993), launched the careers of pioneering artists like Daddy Yankee, Baby Rasta & Gringo, and Don Omar, though they often had to self-censor their lyrics and imagery to achieve any radio or television play.

The genre remained largely confined to underground Latin American communities until the mid-2000s, when it achieved global commercial success. This massification was driven by two key events:

The mass acceptance of Reggaeton in the 2000s and 2010s led directly to the formation and spread of the distinct Reggaetonero subculture across Latin America and the world.

The Reggaetonero aesthetic is a conscious projection of street credibility, social status, and sexuality. It is heavily influenced by the earlier fashion of Hip-Hop and Gangsta Rap , emphasizing visible brand names, gold, and a focus on the body.

Masculine Reggaetonero fashion focuses on creating a powerful, often muscular, silhouette and displaying wealth or status symbols (flexing).
Outfits generally feature a foundation of baggy or wide clothing (influenced by rappers), paired with items that emphasize an athletic build. Common pieces include:

Grooming and Body:

The accessories are the most defining element of the masculine aesthetic, often using high-contrast colors like black, white, and gold:

Feminine Reggaetonero fashion centers on a sensual, body-conscious style, designed for dancing and emphasizing a slim physique.

The subculture's lifestyle revolves around music, dance, and social assertion, often taking place in clubs, dance halls ( bailantas ), and neighborhood gatherings.

The defining activity of the Reggaetonero subculture is the dance style known as perreo (literally, "doggy style"). Perreo is a close-contact dance performed between partners and is characterized by overtly erotic and sensual movements, which sometimes imitate sexual postures. This dance is central to the subculture's expression of sexuality and is closely tied to the repetitive rhythmic base (Dembow) of the music.

Other key activities include going to nightclubs, hanging out at the beach, and flexing (showing off or displaying wealth and status through brands and jewelry) as a way to establish dominance and social standing within the group.

The Reggaeton genre itself is a fusion of Jamaican Reggae , Dancehall, and American Hip-Hop , with strong influences from Caribbean music and local Latin sounds like bomba and merengue house. Its characteristic feature is the distinctive, repetitive drum pattern known as Dembow (a variation of the Pounder beat).

Reggaeton and the Reggaetonero subculture are subjects of significant academic and public criticism, largely focused on lyrical content and its social implications. The most prominent criticism is the overt sexism and misogyny present in many of the lyrics. Critics argue that the songs, and the associated dance of perreo, objectify women and may glorify sexual harassment and gender-based prejudice. This has, at times, led to censorship attempts by government bodies in countries like Puerto Rico and Honduras.

The genre is often criticized for glamorizing criminality. Sociological studies have connected the subculture's aesthetic, vocabulary, and themes to street life and a perceived glorification of bandolerismo (criminality) and violence.

A separate aesthetic criticism often leveled against the music itself is that its reliance on the repetitive Dembow rhythm makes the music feel monotonous, unoriginal, or "cloned."The Roaring Twenties refers to the decade of the 1920s in the Western world, a period of dramatic social, artistic, and cultural change that followed the end of World War I. Fueled by post-war economic prosperity and rapid technological innovation, the era was characterized by a widespread embrace of modernity and a rejection of traditional Victorian -era values. This period, also known as the "Jazz Age," saw the explosion of jazz music, the rise of the Flapper as a symbol of new female independence, and the visual splendor of the Art Deco style in design and architecture. It was a time of unprecedented social liberation, but also of significant cultural tension, marked by Prohibition in the United States, which led to the rise of illegal speakeasies and organized crime. The exuberant prosperity and cultural dynamism of the decade came to an abrupt end with the Wall Street Crash of 1929 and the beginning of the Great Depression.

The Roaring Twenties, sometimes stylized as the Roarin' 20s, refers to the decade of the 1920s in Western society and Western culture. It was a period of economic prosperity with a distinctive cultural edge in the United States and Europe, particularly in major cities such as Berlin, Chicago, London, Los Angeles, New York City, Paris, Shanghai, and Sydney. In France, the decade was known as the années folles ("crazy years"), emphasizing the era's social, artistic and cultural dynamism. Jazz blossomed, the flapper redefined the modern look for British and American women, and Art Deco peaked.

The Roaring 20s saw the emergence of new technologies to the middle class due to mass production. For this reason, the radio and automobile are prominent in the images of the 1920s middle class home. It also differentiates this era from many of the past, increasing its uniqueness. These two devices are also important to the aesthetic because cars had a great importance in the novel The Great Gatsby , and radios-played music, one of the most distinctive motifs of the time period.

The art and architecture of the 1920s is typically associated with Art Deco , which utilized strong geometric forms, bold colors, exotic inspiration, and fine craftsmanship. Please see that page for more.

The fashion of the 1920s was greatly different from the fashion previous to this decade due to the fact that women's fashions were now looser, had shorter hemlines, and revealed more of the arms and legs.

These figures are thought of as icons of the era and were well-known in the art, music, and film scenes, as well as the general party scene.

The Roaring 20s saw the creation and popularization of Jazz music.

Roarin 20's

1920's Channel Roaring TwentiesRockers were a young, working-class youth subculture that emerged in the United Kingdom during the 1950s and flourished in the early to mid-1960s. The identity was defined by an appreciation for 1950s American rock and roll music and a passion for customizing and racing British café racer motorcycles. Known alternately as " Leather Boys " for their attire or " Ton-Up Boys " for their practice of riding at speeds over 100 mph ("doing the ton"), the Rockers cultivated a rebellious, masculine identity that stood in opposition to mainstream British society and, most famously, in direct conflict with their rivals, the Mods .

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Under ConstructionRolinga is an urban youth subculture that emerged in Argentina in the late 1980s and peaked in the mid-1990s, centered on a deep devotion to the British band The Rolling Stones. The aesthetic is a direct imitation of the band's 1970s style, particularly that of Mick Jagger, and is defined by its androgynous look.

Key fashion elements include flared jeans, band t-shirts (especially with the "tongue and lips" logo), and platform sneakers, but the most iconic feature is the haircut: a long, shaggy mullet with a thick fringe, known locally as the flequillo rolinga. The subculture is also tied to a specific subgenre of Argentine rock music called "rock rolinga," which emulates the blues-based sound of The Stones. The movement is strongly associated with a working-class, suburban, and neighborhood-centric ( barrio ) identity, often intertwined with football culture.

One of the characteristics of rolingas is their stereotypical aesthetics. However, in recent years the Rastafari and Villero culture influenced her.

His fans usually wear Mick Jagger's bangs in the '60s (some use dreadlocks), worn sneakers (generally Topper), a frayed scarf around their neck, a T-shirt from a movement band or with the Rolling Stones' tongue. Stones and in some cases, necklaces on the neck and bracelets on the wrists; They also usually use jackets and jogging pants, although they also use jamaican pants or jeans, in any case, they may be torn.

The origins of the tribe are sordid, it is not well known when exactly the tribe originated, supposedly at the end of the '80s, when Los Ratones Paranoicos ("the Paranoid Mice ") left punk rock and turned to rock and roll , coinciding with the births of bands like Los Piojos and Viejas Locas .

The general influences of the tribe are known: the aesthetics of Mick Jagger in the '60s, the music of the Rolling Stones in their beginnings, the apology for "neighborhood life" typical of heavy metal since the '70s, and the behavior of the public of "underground" bands like Patricio Rey and los redonditos de ricota and Sumo .

They also contributed to Argentina's poor economic, cultural and institutional situation during the presidency of Carlos Saúl Menem; and the phenomenon of the barra bravas in Argentina.

in February 2006. The " Cromañon " effect, a consequence of the fire in 2004 of the dance venue that bore that name, damaged the public image of the "rolingas" in a significant way.

Starting in December 2001, with the peak of cumbia villera and the birth of the Cumbieros tribe, the rolingas tribe began to lose weight. Cumbia villera had also caused a sensation among the most marginal and poor public, which is why it had displaced the rolingas in the lower class sectors, although in the middle class rolingas sectors, and in the western area of ​​the Buenos Aires suburbs, where the rolinga phenomenon was more rooted, it remained predominant.

Added to this, the disappearance of bands like Viejas Locas and Jóvenes Pordioseros and the change of music in other rolingo bands contributed to the decline.

The rolingas are fans of the style of music they created, rolinga rock , which they simply call " rocanrol' ."

They are fervent followers of bands such as

In addition to a large number of rolingo bands that play on the "underground" circuit, such as:

However, rolingas can also be fans of bands that are not rolinga rock, such as:

There have even been rolingas in bands that do not resemble rolinga rock at all, such as Catupecu Machu . Rolingas in general underestimate or despise other musical genres, limiting themselves to listening only to rolinga rock. Those who do it, do it because they believe that other styles are part of the "establishment" (even with genres that are commercially minor, such as punk rock and experimental music), although another reason is because there are those who are musically closed and do not. They want to listen to something other than rolinga rock . For this reason the tribe has had conflicts with the punks , and has even had disagreements among themselves, such as when Intoxicados , by playing different musical styles such as Reggae and Hip-hop, divided its audience into a group of conservative rolingas and another self-proclaimed "the new religion".Rude Boy (also Rudie or Rudy ) is a youth subculture that originated in the streets of Kingston, Jamaica, in the early 1960s. It was the first subculture to emerge from the island after its independence and was closely associated with the new sounds of Ska and Rocksteady. The Rude Boy identity was a direct response to the widespread poverty and unemployment faced by young, working-class men. They cultivated an image of toughness, style, and defiance, adopting a persona that was both admired and feared, and became a central theme in the music of the era. The term experienced a revival in the United Kingdom as 2 Tone .

The Rude Boy subculture emerged from the ghettos of post-independence Jamaica. Faced with a lack of opportunities, many young men resorted to hustling and petty crime to survive, adopting a "rude" or rebellious attitude towards societal norms and authority. Central to the Rude Boy identity was a sharp sense of style. In a subversion of the social hierarchy, they appropriated the fashion of the upper classes, as well as the look of American jazz musicians and gangsters seen in films. They wore sharp, tailored suits, thin ties, and pork pie or trilby hats, a look that projected an image of sophistication and self-respect.

The social life of the Rude Boys was centered on the dancehalls and sound systems where the new genre of Ska was being pioneered. They were both dedicated fans and notorious "dancehall crashers" known for starting trouble. Ska artists, in turn, began to immortalize the Rude Boy in their lyrics, with songs like The Wailers' " Simmer Down " and Desmond Dekker's " 007 (Shanty Town )" both celebrating and cautioning against their rebellious lifestyle. As the faster tempo of Ska evolved into the slower, cooler sound of Rocksteady in the mid-1960s, the Rude Boy remained a central figure. The subculture's influence waned in Jamaica in the 1970s with the rise of Rastafarianism and Reggae music.

The Rude Boy look was sharp, clean, and aspirational. The primary elements were:

This distinctive style was carried to the United Kingdom by the Jamaican diaspora, where it would go on to heavily influence the fashion of the British Mod and Skinhead subcultures.Safari Chic is a fashion aesthetic inspired by the clothing worn on safaris, blending utilitarian, military-inspired garments with a sense of elegance and adventure. The style is defined by a specific set of garments, most notably the safari jacket, and a color palette of neutral, earthy tones. It evokes a romanticized vision of exploration, combining practical, functional design with a polished and sophisticated sensibility. While its origins are rooted in the practical wear of British colonials and big-game hunters in Africa, the aesthetic was elevated into high fashion in the mid-20th century, becoming a timeless and recurring trend.

The foundational garment of the Safari Chic aesthetic, the safari jacket, has its origins in the Khaki Drill uniform worn by the British military in the early 20th century. Its lightweight cotton fabric and functional design with bellows pockets and a belted waist were ideal for warm climates. This practical style was adopted by wealthy Westerners, including figures like Ernest Hemingway and Theodore Roosevelt, for safari expeditions in Africa, popularizing it as a form of leisure and adventure wear.

The aesthetic was definitively brought into the world of high fashion by designer Yves Saint Laurent. He introduced his version of the safari jacket, the "saharienne," in his 1967 runway collection. A 1968 Vogue Paris feature, with a famous photo of the model Veruschka wearing the lace-up saharienne, cemented its status as an iconic and chic fashion item, transforming it from purely functional gear into a symbol of liberated and adventurous femininity. Since then, the style has become a recurring classic, reinterpreted by numerous designers in subsequent decades.

The Safari Chic look is built around a specific formula of garments, colors, and materials that create a polished yet practical "elegant adventurer" look.

The centerpiece of the aesthetic is the safari jacket, or saharienne. It is typically made of cotton or linen in a khaki or beige color and is characterized by its four large pockets and a belted waist. This is often paired with Bermuda shorts in a structured, straight cut, or with linen trousers. The overall silhouette is tailored but comfortable.

The color palette is strictly composed of neutral and earthy tones. The core colors are khaki, beige, and camel, often worn in a monochrome ensemble. These are sometimes accented with shades of olive green or rust. While the clothing is typically solid-colored, animal prints (such as leopard, zebra, or snake) are a key part of the aesthetic, but they are almost always used as an accent in accessories like a belt, a bag, or footwear, rather than on the main garments.

Footwear is typically practical and flat. Sandals, particularly those with multiple straps, braids, or velcro closures, are a common choice. Accessories are often minimal, with an emphasis on natural materials like leather and wood. A wide-brimmed hat, such as a pith helmet or a Tilley hat, can also be included to complete the explorer look.Sharpies , also known as Sharps (not to be confused with SH ARP), were members of a youth subculture and gang phenomenon in Australia, active primarily during the 1960s and 1970s. The subculture was most prominent in Melbourne but also had a presence in Sydney and Perth. Adherents, often from working-class backgrounds, were characterized by their rebellious nature and involvement in gang violence. The gangs were highly territorial, frequently named after their suburb or street, and engaged in conflicts with rival gangs or with local surfers .

The name "Sharpie" is thought to derive from their early "sharp" and "clean" fashion aesthetic. Despite having a distinctive look, the subculture was short-lived and remains poorly documented. It is considered a distinctly Australian phenomenon, though its fashion drew influences from international subcultures like Greasers , Mods , and Skinheads .

The Sharpie subculture originated in Australia in the early 1960s, primarily in the working-class suburbs of Melbourne, with a smaller presence in Sydney. Its emergence coincided with a postwar influx of European immigrants, whose fashion and culture were a key influence. The subculture developed through several distinct phases, with the first wave lasting from approximately 1964 to 1970. During this time, Sharpies were distinguished by a neat and conservative style, with boys wearing custom-made suits and short haircuts, setting themselves apart from the declining rocker look of the era and the emerging hippie movement. The term "Sharpie" was reportedly coined by the youth themselves to describe their "sharp" and well-dressed appearance. This early generation's history is less documented than later periods.

By the early 1970s, the subculture entered its more recognized and iconic phase, becoming a popular youth movement in Victoria that lasted until the early 1980s. This period saw the Sharpie aesthetic become more aggressive, drawing influences from British skinhead culture. The style was characterized by a more body-clinging and defiant look. Sharpies were a highly visible subculture, congregating in large numbers at live music venues, town hall dances, and discos. They formed a strong connection with Australian pub rock and hard rock bands of the time, such as Rose Tattoo, AC/DC, and Lobby Lloyde and the Coloured Balls.

Throughout its existence, the subculture was known for being territorial and violent, with fights occurring between rival Sharpie gangs as well as with other youth groups like rockers and mods . This behavior attracted significant media attention, which often amplified public anxieties and led to the creation of a "moral panic." As a result, the subculture was frequently portrayed as a societal threat. The increasing visibility of Sharpies and their association with violence eventually led to intensified police crackdowns. By the mid-1980s, the subculture had largely died out, influenced by a new wave of youth culture, the rise of different musical genres, and the criminalization of its members.

Sharpie fashion has its roots in 20th-century American cultural trends, drawing influences from Greaser , Mod , Biker , and Rockabilly styles. The look, which was initially characterized by a clean and "sharp" silhouette, evolved by the 1970s to incorporate the then-fashionable flare-legged pants. For all genders, a classic look consisted of a mullet haircut, high-waisted flared pants or jeans, and a cardigan.

The most defining item of Sharpie clothing was the ultra-tight cardigan, known as a "Conny." The name originates from Mr. Conti, a Greek tailor in the Thornbury neighborhood of Melbourne who designed them. Connys were often striped and worn several sizes too small to emphasize the wearer's physical build. They typically featured five buttons and a small belt at the back, and it was common for individuals to have custom versions made with unique colors and designs.

Sharpie girls, referred to as " brushes ," also wore Connys but had a broader variety of fashion options, including twinsets , pleated skirts, miniskirts, or pinafores. For footwear, heavy platform shoes were the standard for everyone, with subtle design variations providing signals about a person's neighborhood of origin.

Hairstyles centered on a distinctive mullet: short on the top and sides with a longer length at the back. Bleached and red-dyed hair was also a popular choice. The hairstyle’s short sides drew attention to a growing trend of the male pierced ear, which was embraced as a defiant expression of masculinity against the more traditionally "feminine" long hair of hippie street fashion. Multiple tattoos, both professional and homemade, were also considered a standard part of the Sharpie look, even though tattooing was illegal for minors.

The subculture was deeply connected to the local music scene in Melbourne, with members frequently gathering at live concerts held in town halls, high school dances, and early discos. The music they favored was predominantly Australian pub rock and hard rock. Bands such as Rose Tattoo, AC/DC, Billy Thorpe and the Aztecs, and Lobby Lloyde and the Coloured Balls were particularly popular. Some Sharpies also had a fondness for American soul and British beat music, which was popular on dance floors at the time. The subculture also created its own dances, such as "the Break" or "the Sharpie Shuffle," which was a form of line dancing, and "the Sharpie Rock," which was a couples dance with roots in 1950s rock and roll.Skater is a subculture centered around the act and lifestyle of skateboarding. Originating in the 1950s, it evolved from a niche hobby into a global cultural phenomenon with its own distinct fashion, music, and values. The core of the subculture is a celebration of creativity, individuality, and freedom, standing in contrast to the structured rules of traditional team sports.

The aesthetic is heavily intertwined with the urban environment, as street skaters repurposed public spaces like plazas, stair sets, and handrails into playgrounds for self-expression. This often put them at odds with authority, cementing the subculture's rebellious and counter-cultural identity.

Skateboarding began in the late 1950s in California as "sidewalk surfing," an activity for surfers to practice on land when the waves were flat. The subculture's first major evolution came in the mid-1970s with the invention of urethane wheels and the rise of the Zephyr Skate Team (Z-Boys) from Dogtown, Santa Monica. Figures like Tony Alva, Stacy Peralta, and Jay Adams revolutionized the sport by taking it off the streets and into empty swimming pools, pioneering "vert" (vertical) skating and laying the groundwork for modern skate parks.

The subculture's popularity waned in the early 1980s but was kept alive by a dedicated core of skaters and magazines like Thrasher (founded in 1981), which became a cultural bible for the scene. The late 1980s and early 1990s saw a massive shift towards street skating, thanks to Alan "Ollie" Gelfand's invention of the ollie in 1978 and its popularization by street innovators like Rodney Mullen. This made skateboarding more accessible, as it no longer required a ramp or skate park. During this period, skateboarding solidified into a distinct Generation X subculture, characterized by a misfit, anti-commercial identity.

By the late 1990s and early 2000s, skateboarding exploded into the mainstream, driven by the televised X-Games (launched in 1995) and the massively popular Tony Hawk's Pro Skater video game series (launched in 1999). This new visibility transformed the subculture, bringing in new participants and commercial opportunities, and cementing skate fashion as a major influence on global youth culture.

Skater fashion is rooted in functionality, durability, and comfort, creating a casual and non-conformist look that has heavily influenced modern streetwear. In the 1970s, the style mirrored its surf origins with short shorts, tall striped socks, and simple t-shirts. The 1980s saw a shift towards a punk-influenced look, with ripped jeans, band t-shirts, and high-top sneakers from brands like Vans and Converse becoming popular for the protection they offered in vert skating.

The 1990s and 2000s codified the most iconic skater uniform. As street skating took over, the fashion became defined by baggy, loose-fitting clothing that offered protection and freedom of movement. This included oversized graphic t-shirts from skate brands like Element, Powell-Peralta, and Thrasher, worn with baggy jeans or cargo shorts. Footwear was central, with the rise of bulky, heavily-padded skate shoes from brands like DC Shoes, Etnies, and Circa, designed to withstand the wear and tear of grip tape and provide cushioning for high-impact tricks.

The Skater subculture has deep and long-standing ties to music. Skate Punk is a subgenre of punk rock that became inextricably linked with skateboarding in the 1980s. It is characterized by fast tempos, aggressive guitar riffs, and an anti-authoritarian attitude. Foundational bands like Black Flag, Suicidal Tendencies, and the Dead Kennedys were staples in early skate videos and were championed by magazines like Thrasher . In the 1990s, the sound evolved into the more melodic pop-punk of bands like blink-182 and Green Day, which brought the sound to a mainstream audience.

In the 1990s, Hip-Hop also became an important part of skater culture. The laid-back, creative, and often gritty sound of groups like A Tribe Called Quest, Souls of Mischief, and the Beastie Boys resonated with street skaters and became a common feature in skate videos of the era, influencing both the style and attitude of the subculture.Skhothane (plural: Izikhothane ; from the Zulu word ukukhothana , meaning "to lick," or in urban slang, "to boast") is a prominent youth subculture and performance style that emerged in the townships of the Gauteng province, South Africa, around the mid-2000s. It is defined by its practice of destructive conspicuous consumption, where young members of organized crews compete in battles to demonstrate wealth, style, and status through the excessive purchase and, ultimately, the ritualistic destruction of expensive, often designer, material goods.

Skhothane is interpreted as a reaction against the socio-economic adversity and historical dehumanization stemming from the apartheid era. By performing extreme wastefulness—often despite coming from impoverished backgrounds—the Skhothane assert their existence and demand recognition in a society marked by stark inequality. The subculture is built around the ethos of "Look at me; I can afford this," transforming high-priced items from objects of aspiration into disposable tools for gaining respect and "instant celebrity" within the township.

Skhothane first appeared around 2005 in the townships of Ekurhuleni (East Rand), specifically areas like Katlehong and Tembisa, before spreading throughout South Africa. The movement has deep roots in earlier South African sartorial subcultures that utilized expensive clothing as a means of self-assertion against marginalization, notably the Diamondfield Dandies of the 1880s and the Swenkas of the 1950s.

The subculture evolved from South African versions of dance battles popular among urban youth. Its later, controversial form, centered on material destruction, quickly gained traction, culminating in major competitive events such as the 2012 East Rand vs. West Rand battle in Soweto's Rockville suburb. The movement gained significant international notoriety and intense media coverage, which subsequently amplified the more extreme rituals of destruction, leading to both a surge in popularity and intense community criticism and police intervention. By the mid-2010s, police clampdowns and community backlash contributed to a divergence of the subculture, leading some crews, like the Tarianas (slang for "Italians"), to abandon destructive practices while maintaining the focus on expensive fashion and dance.

The Skhothane aesthetic is characterized by maximalist dressing and a highly visible display of designer brands with exaggerated price tags. Thepurpose of the appearance is to project an image of wealth, often by combining brands in clashing combinations and then showing disrespect for their cost.

The appearance is heavily focused on designer footwear, with specific imported Italian brands like Carvela (costing at least R2,000) and Rossimoda being highly favored. These shoes, along with specific expensive garments such as silk shirts, DMD jackets, and designer suits are often purposely mixed and clashed with other brands like Lacoste, Polo, Versace, and Diesel in a single outfit. This deliberate aesthetic choice aims to demonstrate such an abundance of disposable income that conventional fashion rules and brand loyalty become irrelevant to the wearer.

The central practice of Skhothane is the "battle" or competitive gathering, which often culminates in the symbolic and literal destruction of material possessions, a performance viewed as a philosophical statement rather than simple wastefulness.

Crews organize themselves for these battles, which typically occur on weekends in local parks and involve dance-offs and public displays of extravagance. The ritualized destruction performed during these events serves as the ultimate display of wealth and can include tearing, burning, or stomping on expensive designer shirts and shoes. Additionally, costly consumables are spoiled; Skhothane members are known for throwing away expensive junk food like KFC or Debonair's Pizza, or using expensive alcohol, such as Johnnie Walker Blue Label whisky, to wash their hands or pour onto the ground. The most extreme acts involve burning actual cash in front of competitors to assert that money holds no meaning to the winner of the battle. Winning these competitions awards the victor with fame and respect from peers, while the loser may be publicly humiliated with expensive alcohol or custard.

Despite the subculture's emphasis on immense wealth, the majority of Skhothane members are youth originating from impoverished homes in townships. Their families often rely on low-wage jobs, making the funds required for the aesthetic and destructive practices difficult to obtain.

The underlying philosophy is one of a "culture of urgency" characterized by an anti-saving mentality which posits that "there is no future and no roots but only the present." This encourages hyper-consumption of the moment, standing in direct opposition to traditional financial planning. To fund their expensive habits, members have been documented to engage in various activities, including obtaining loose weekend jobs, petty crime (such as mugging and burglary), and, controversially, blackmailing their own parents by threatening self-harm or suicide to secure money for battle-related items.

Academically, the practice is interpreted as a necessary act of rehumanization and resistance. By openly and visibly defying the constraints of their poverty-stricken backgrounds, Izikhothane utilize extravagant consumption to challenge the structural inequalities and systemic invisibility imposed upon them by the post-apartheid economy, thereby asserting their identity and demanding recognition.Skinheads , also known as Skins , are a broad subculture that originated among working-class youths in the late 1960s in London, England. Characterized by closely cropped hair and distinctive working-class attire, the subculture initially drew influences from Jamaican ska and reggae music, embraced by the multicultural working-class communities, as well as British Mod fashion.

Music played a central role in the early skinhead subculture, with Jamaican artists like The Skatalites and Desmond Dekker being popular. The fashion included items such as Doc Martens boots, Levi’s 501 jeans or Sta-Prest trousers often rolled up, and Ben Sherman or Fred Perry shirts, frequently worn with Harrington or bomber jackets.

While the early skinhead subculture was not inherently political, during the 1970s and 1980s, segments of the movement became associated with extreme nationalist and anti-immigrant ideologies, leading to instances of violence and recruitment by far-right organizations. This resulted in a widespread public perception linking skinheads to racism and neo-Nazism. However, it is important to note that not all individuals identifying as skinheads espoused these views, with some adhering to non-political or even left-wing stances. The musical preferences of skinheads also evolved, with the emergence of Oi!, a punk rock subgenre addressing working-class themes.

In the late 60s, plenty of subcultures emerge from the English youth, appearing movements such as Hippies, Rockers, Teddy-Boys, Rude Boys and Mods. It's from the latter that the Hard-Mods appear. These Mods would take a more working-class direction, and would be influenced by the Jamaican Rude Boys, who had a similar clothing fashion and listened to Ska and Reggae. However, the Hard-Mods would be kicked from the Mod movement. Because of that, Hard-Mods would adopt a different aesthetic, shaving their heads and using clothing such as "Fred Perry" or "Londsdale" shirts, "Ben Sherman" jackets or "Lee" or "Levi's" jeans. Althought most skinheads were apolitical, they had a commitment towards their nation, refelcted in their patriotism.

In the 70s, the recently-born skinhead subculture shared some similarities with the Punk scene, sharing similar music taste like listening to punk rock and ska. Some punks and skinheads also shared a rejection of Establishment values, creating a certain camaraderie between the two groups . However, after 1977, the Punk music and scene starts becoming more mainstream and commercial, lossing its purpose of an anti-Establishment subculture. During those years, Oi! emerges as a new genre of rock music, centered on a working-class ambience. Said genre would also had a strong influence on RAC (Rock Against Communism), a type of nationalist music that encompasses various rock styles.

Nationalists parties such as the NF and the BNP began recruiting followers within the white working-class youth. Some skinheads, who saw inmigration as a treat to their nation and a rise of unemployement caused by them, saw said parties as attractive. Alongside some members of the Punk scene, they start identifying themselves with the far-right and the nationalist movement. Bands such as Skrewdriver, lead by Ian Stuart, openly embraces National Socialism and identifies politically with the National Front. Some other bands that promoted a nationalist and patriotic agenda were 4-Skins, The Last Resort, The Business and Red Alert.

As a reaction, some skinheads that identified within the far-left and communism also start organizing, calling themselves "redskins". Certain bands, such as Sham'69 y Angelic Upstarts, start the "Rock Against Racism" concerts. However, those concerts were mostly attended by punks rather than skinheads. By the 1980s, the skinhead subculture became associated with racism and violence, influenced by the rise of far-right ideologies in Europe. Some skinhead groups adopted neo-Nazi symbolism and promoted white nationalist views. The punk scene would be divided between far-right and far-left adherents, but other members of the skinhead scene remained committed to the subculture's non-political roots.

During the Margaret Thatcher administration, reppresion starts against skinhead groups, who would start become more violent. Some skinhead youths start engaging in fights and riots against inmigrants and far-left circles, while others, such as Red Action also starts engaging against far-right skinheads such as members of the British Movement. The skinhead scene starts emerging in other countries, expanding itself in the white working-class of Europe, Canada, South Africa (in the Afrikaner communities) and the United States. After the Fall of the Berlin wall and communism in Europe, the skinhead subculture would expand in Eastern Europe.

In Brazil , the skinhead movement arrives in 1985, being the Carecas do Suburbio the first skinhead group formed in South America. The group starts engaging in violence against the police. Two years later, in 1987, the Carecas do ABC forms as an splinter of the former, and would become the most relevant skinhead gang in the country. The group is still active today, and supports an strong anti-liberal and nationalist position. The group accepts afro-descendents in their lines, in contrast with other skinhead groups. During the 90s, the skinhead scene in Brazil would splint, having two main currents: the separatists and the integralists.

In Germany , the skinhead movement is mostly political, in contrast with the 'mainstream' skinhead subculture in the UK. Most of them are affiliated with the neo-nazi movement, and some of them are affiliated with the Hammerskin movement. After the Berlin Wall fall and the collapse of the GDR, the skinhead scene would expand on the eastern part of the country, where it is more popular.

In the United States , the movement has mostly been associated with far-right circles, but far-left circles are also active in the country. The skinhead subculture appears in the early 80s, when certain segments of the hardcore punk scene embraced skinhead styles . However, many young American neo-Nazis and white nationalists adopt the skinhead aesthetic too. White nationalist groups associated with said aesthetic start emerging, such as the American Front (1985), Hammerskins (1987) and Volksfront (1994). Far-left skinheads appear recently in 1987, in form to counter-rest the influence of far-right skinhead groups. The first redskin organization in the US are the Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice (SHARP), which opposes nationalist and right-wing skinheads. Other far-left groups are the RASH and GASH skinheads, mostly associated with the ANTIFA movement.

Skinheads wear long-sleeve or short-sleeve button-down shirts or polo shirts by brands such as Ben Sherman, Fred Perry, Brutus, Warrior or Jaytex; Lonsdale or Everlast shirts or sweatshirts; Grandfather shirts; V-neck sweaters; sleeveless sweaters (known in the UK as a tank top ); cardigan sweaters or T-shirts (plain or with text or designs related to the skinhead subculture). They may wear fitted blazers, Harrington jackets, bomber jackets, denim jackets (usually blue, sometimes splattered with bleach), donkey jackets, Crombie-style overcoats, sheepskin ¾-length coats, short macs, monkey jackets or parkas. Traditional skinheads sometimes wear suits, often of two-tone tonic fabric (shiny mohair-like material that changes colour in different light and angles), or in a Prince of Wales or houndstooth check pattern.

The Skinheads, initially, were listening to traditionally black music such as ska, reggae, R&B, soul and rocksteady, but then eventually created 2 Tone, a genre of music that mixed Punk with ska, reggae, rocksteady, and pop music of the time. At this time, they were also beginning to listen to Oi! music; a subgenre of punk music that focused more on the plight of the working class and mixed in football chants, pub rock, and British glam rock with the Punk formula. Eventually, the white supremacists took the Oi! formula and they turned it into RAC (Rock Against Communism), which featured lyrics that glorified white power and white supremacy (which, in turn, led the Oi! sound being labeled as racist). In the 1990s and 2000s, when hardcore punk started becoming more popular, RAC adherents started adopting a more hardcore punk sound into its music, which just goes to show that far-right types are completely incapable of creating anything on their own and have to try and co-opt what is already popular, putting their own hateful spin on it, and trying to promote it alongside the already-popular art in hopes that people won't notice just how low-effort the Nazi variant is because the art means nothing to these people; it's just a vessel to deliver their message and the message is the only thing that matters to them.A Sloanie , or Sloane Ranger , is a term for a British subcultural stereotype that became prominent in the late 1970s and 1980s, describing a specific segment of the English upper-middle and upper classes. The name is a portmanteau of Sloane Square, an affluent area in Chelsea, London, and the fictional character "The Lone Ranger."

The aesthetic, codified by the 1982 book The Official Sloane Ranger Handbook , is a combination of practical country attire and conservative city wear, reflecting a lifestyle divided between London and a family home in the countryside. The uniform typically includes Barbour jackets, tweed skirts or trousers, Hunter wellington boots, pearl necklaces, and pie-crust collar blouses.

As a cultural archetype, the Sloane Ranger is often seen as the English counterpart to the American Preppy , but is generally considered more traditionalist, less academic, and more focused on country pursuits and the established English social season. Diana, Princess of Wales, was widely regarded as the quintessential Sloanie during the early 1980s.

The Sloane Ranger has roots in the English upper classes. Families were peers of the Realm (members of the Royal Family or those with titles presented by the Royal Family) or landed gentry (people who controlled estates and received income from tenants renting land on the estate). Men in these families were members of the House of Lords, who had huge influence on British government and society.

During the British colonial era, British aristocrats settled in Australia, Canada, India and the United States. In the United States, they formed the WASP and Preppy subcultures, which can be very similar to the Sloane Ranger aesthetic.

In the 1920s, many of the old estates fell into disrepair due to rising costs and the decline of the servant class. Today many old estates are museums and historical sites. Other estates which remain in the family are rented out for movie and television productions, such as Highclare Castle, the setting for Downton Abbey. Despite the "poverty" of the aristocracy (relative to their ancestors), an old family name or title gives a Sloane status.

Part of the Sloane Ranger aesthetic is a sense of nostalgia for the past, whether it be the 18th century, or the 1920s-1950s. The nostalgia tends to be very patriotic, romanticizing British history and historical figures such as Winston Churchill and members of the Royal Family and ignoring the dark side of British imperialism.

Most of the things that Sloanes value are very old. They do not like or trust things which are new, foreign, or French.

Places and things associated with the English upper classes. There is some crossover with Dark and Light Academia aesthetics because many Sloanes attend boarding school and later prestigious universities such as Cambridge, Oxford, and St. Andrews.

Clothing is generally modest and long lasting. Royal Warrants can be issued to brands which produce high quality goods favored by the Queen, the Duke of Edinburgh, and the Prince of Wales. Warrants can be revoked if the actions of the company displeases the person who issued it. Rigby & Peller, which provided the Queen's undergarments, had its warrant revoked in 2018.

Natural fibers like cotton, wool, and silk are favored. The English insistence on maintaining their traditional dress codes, despite being impractical for the climate of India or the Caribbean, is often mocked in fiction.

Makeup is generally natural, with products used to enhance features. The Sloane Ranger handbook describes the look as "fresh scrubbed."

Members of the Royal Family are loyal to certain brands. Fashion blogs and magazines report on the styles worn by Kate Middleton and Meghan Markle, which have made them popular among the general public. Website crashes due to sudden interest in items are common.Stilyagi (Russian: стиляги), meaning "style hunters," were members of a youth subculture in the Soviet Union from the late-1940s to the early-1960s, primarily based in large cities. They were young adults who imitated American and Western lifestyles, particularly in fashion, music, and dance. The term " stilyagi " originated from the satirical magazine Krokodil in 1949, where it was used to ridicule Soviet youth who imitated the Teddy Boys of the United Kingdom. Some stilyagi, known as " shtatniki ," exclusively wore American clothing brands.

Stilyagi were often apolitical and cynical, and they rejected or disregarded certain Soviet social norms. They were recognizable by their bright clothing, unique slang, and interest in foreign music and dance. The subculture served as a spontaneous protest against the conformist nature of Soviet society, particularly in terms of behavior, clothing, music, and lifestyle. Until the mid-1960s, Soviet media and officials often labeled any young person who followed Western fashion trends and was perceived as having an "immoral" lifestyle as a "stilyaga."

The first Stilyagi emerged in the late 1940s from a generation that had experienced the hardships of World War II and felt uncertain about the future. Exposure to foreign cultures during the war, through contact with Allied soldiers and exposure to Western media like American B-movies that even Stalin himself enjoyed, heavily influenced these young adults. They began to adopt Western-inspired fashion, hairstyles, and music as a form of escapism and rebellion against the strict conformity and uniform proletariat aesthetic of Soviet society. These young "style hunters" would congregate on the main streets of Leningrad and Moscow, which they referred to as "Broadway."

Initially, the Stilyagi faced repression under Stalin's regime. However, after Stalin's death in 1953, the subculture grew and evolved. By the mid-1950s, Stilyagi had become a visible presence in major Soviet cities, attracting both admiration and condemnation from different segments of society.

While the Soviet authorities could no longer completely suppress the movement, they attempted to control it through ridicule and propaganda. Party officials saw the Stilyagi as a threat and targeted them with critical articles, cartoons, and even "ideological sayings" designed to portray them as morally corrupt and potential enemies of the state. Stilyagi were often portrayed in the media as frivolous and unpatriotic, and their interest in Western culture was deemed a threat to Soviet values. This was despite the fact that the Stilyagi were generally apolitical and more interested in escapism than actively protesting against the regime. Even creating and sharing music recordings, particularly "bones" - illegal copies of music made on used X-ray sheets, could lead to arrests and imprisonment.

This societal pressure to conform led to public condemnation of Stilyagi, with discussions in Komsomol (Communist youth organization) meetings and even expulsion from universities and the Komsomol itself. Some Stilyagi faced harassment from volunteer groups like the "People's Patrols" ( druzhiny ). This persecution helped estabilish the Stilyagi identity and fostered resentment towards Soviet reality.

Even with the hardships, Stilyagi continued to express their individuality and embrace Western trends, creating their own clothes and accessories due to the scarcity of Western goods. The late 1950s saw the rise of the phrase "Today he dances jazz, but tomorrow he will sell his homeland," denouncing the perceived threat of Western influence. Ironically, this slogan, along with the derogatory term "style hunter," was adopted by the Stilyagi as a badge of honor.

By the early 1960s, the pressure on the Stilyagi lessened, partly due to the subculture fading away as its members grew older and many Western cultural elements became more accepted in Soviet society. The rise of new youth movements like British Invasion/Beatlemania and the hippie counterculture further contributed to the decline of the Stilyagi.

With the 1957 International Festival, the USSR began to gradually open up to foreign culture. This increased exposure to Western music and fashion, along with the lessening of restrictions, contributed to the decline of the Stilyagi movement by the early 1960s. As the Soviet Union became more lenient towards Western culture, the need for a subculture like the Stilyagi to exist diminished. Nevertheless, the Stilyagi left a lasting impact and legacy on Soviet and Russian culture, influencing generations of artists, musicians, and other cultural figures. Many former Stilyagi went on to become successful in various creative fields.

Fashion was a key element of the Stilyagi's identity and rebellion against Soviet conformity. Initially, the style was a somewhat exaggerated imitation of Western trends, with wide, brightly colored pants, baggy jackets, broad-brimmed hats, and loud "jungle fire" ties. This early style was satirized in a 1949 Krokodil magazine article, depicting a young man in a mismatched outfit with an orange jacket, green sleeves, and canary-yellow pants.

However, by the late 1950s, Stilyagi fashion evolved to become more refined. Men favored narrow "dudochki" pants, fitted jackets with wide shoulders, slim "seledochka" ties, and thick-soled shoes nicknamed "manna kasha." Women adopted tight skirts, bright makeup, and the "venchik mira" hairstyle (hair styled in a crown around the head).

Both men and women incorporated accessories like American playing cards with pin-up girls, trophy lighters and cigarette cases, and imported pens, which were considered luxury items in the Soviet Union. By the 1960s, elements of the rock and roll look were also integrated.

Stilyagi developed a unique slang, partly borrowed from jazz musicians, to distinguish themselves from mainstream Soviet society. This jargon became part of their identity and facilitated communication within the subculture.

Examples include:

Stilyagi had a deep passion for music, particularly jazz and later rock and roll, which served as a form of rebellion and a connection to the Western world they admired. In the early 1950s, swing music, particularly that of Glenn Miller and Benny Goodman, was popular, especially tunes featured in films like " Sun Valley Serenade ." The song "Chattanooga Choo Choo" from that film became an anthem for the Stilyagi, symbolizing escapism and the allure of the "American Dream."

They also embraced the music of Duke Ellington, German foxtrots and tangos, and even the works of Soviet jazz musician Eddie Rosner. Many Stilyagi were musicians themselves, playing various instruments and contributing to the underground music scene of the time.

In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the dance craze among Stilyagi was the boogie-woogie. Not content with simply copying existing styles, they developed their own variations, with names like "atomic," "Canadian," and "triple Hamburg" styles. These were often energetic dances inspired by jitterbug, Lindy Hop, and boogie-woogie, with the "triple Hamburg" being a slower dance similar to the slow foxtrot.

When rock and roll emerged, the Stilyagi embraced it wholeheartedly. They sought out the music of Bill Haley, Elvis Presley, Chuck Berry, Little Richard, Buddy Holly, and Carl Perkins, among others. This further fueled their desire for Western music and dance, leading to some ingenious methods of obtaining and sharing it.

Due to the scarcity of Western music records in the USSR, the Stilyagi developed a unique way to copy and distribute music: "bone music" or "my grandmother's skeleton." These were recordings made on discarded X-ray films, providing a readily available and easily concealable medium. The practice shows the Stilyagi's resourcefulness and determination to access the music they loved.

This desire for Western music and dance contrasted sharply with the official Soviet culture, which promoted more traditional dances like the waltz and foxtrot. School dances were strictly controlled, with any attempts at "styling" quickly shut down. The Stilyagi's passion for jazz and rock and roll solidified their image as rebellious and non-conformist.

The Stilyagi subculture has had a significant presence in Russian media, notably with the 2008 musical film " Stilyagi " (also known as " Hipsters " in English) directed by Valery Todorovski. The film, a major success in Russia, tells the story of a young man who becomes part of a Stilyagi group in 1950s Moscow. " Stilyagi " reignited interest in the subculture and its distinctive 1950s style, leading to a resurgence in its popularity. Thanks to the success of the film, Stilyagi fashion and music had become a common theme for university balls, events, weddings, and even themed corporate parties in Russia.Suedehead is an early-1970s British youth subculture that emerged as a direct offshoot of the Skinhead movement. While Suedeheads shared a common working-class lineage with skinheads, they were distinguished by a significantly more formal manner of dress and a slightly longer hairstyle. The movement represented a shift toward stylistic sophistication, with some adherents even holding white-collar jobs.

Aesthetically, Suedeheads sought to distance themselves from the "bovver boy" image of their predecessors by swapping heavy work boots and braces for high-end tailoring and velvet-collared overcoats.

The Suedehead subculture peaked between 1970 and 1973 as a transitional phase between the original 1960s skinhead era and the later Mod and skinhead revivals.

By the early 1970s, many skinheads began to grow their hair out and refine their wardrobe, moving away from the aggressive utilitarianism of the 1960s. This "mini-mod" revival was most prominent among working-class teenagers in large inner-city urban areas. In the late 1970s, a second Suedehead revival emerged alongside the Mod Revival , spearheaded by figures such as Hoxton Tom McCourt.

The subculture left a significant mark on British literature and film. The 1970 film Bronco Bullfrog captured the everyday lives and style of Suedehead youth in East London. Additionally, James Moffatt (writing as Richard Allen) published the exploitation novel Suedehead , a sequel to his hit Skinhead , which became widely read by teenagers of the period. The Suedehead focus on high-quality brand awareness also provided the blueprint for the later Casual movement on football terraces.

The Suedehead look was defined by its sharp "city-slicker" elegance applied to everyday wear rather than just dancehall attire.

The name "Suedehead" derived from the adherents' hairstyle, which was grown slightly longer than the shaved heads of early skinheads. The hair was typically kept short enough to retain the texture of suede but long enough to be parted, distinguishing them from "hairies" (hippies) while remaining neat and disciplined.

While they retained the traditional skinhead devotion to ska, rocksteady, early reggae, soul, and R&B, Suedeheads also broadened their horizons to include British glam rock . Bands such as The Sweet, Slade, Mott the Hoople, and Ziggy Stardust (David Bowie) were frequently embraced. During the late 1970s revival, Suedeheads became key followers of the 2 Tone record label, supporting groups like The Specials, Madness, and The Beat.

The subculture was intrinsically linked to the ownership of Lambretta scooters. Nightclubs and dancehalls served as primary social hubs where Suedeheads could showcase their expensive clothing and participate in the wider soul and reggae scenes of the early 70s.Surfers are a subculture whose core activity involves riding ocean waves. Originating in ancient Polynesia, particularly Hawaii, the practice of surfing developed over centuries, gaining profound cultural and religious significance. After a period of decline influenced by 19th-century missionary disapproval of associated practices like nudity and gambling, surfing was revived in the early 20th century by figures such as Duke Kahanamoku and George Freeth. Their demonstrations helped spread interest in the sport globally, leading to its popularization as a distinct subculture, notably in California and Australia, during the 1950s and 1960s. Surf culture encompasses a unique lifestyle, language, fashion, and has significantly influenced music, literature, film, and art. Its adherents often value a connection to nature, personal freedom, and a relaxed approach to life, while maintaining a dedication to the sport.

Surfing itself began in Hawaii, going as far back as the 1700s, but began to die down and gain a negative reputation among American missionaries who disapproved of its associations with gambling and sexuality.

The worldwide interest in surfing began when Freeth and Kahanamoku gave demonstrations on surfing in the United States, Canada, and New Zealand.

Gaining popularity in the 1960s and spreading as its own subculture in California, it gained traction through media that romanticized the aesthetic, such as the music of the Beach Boys, and the movies of Elvis Presley, they also became associated with the Hippie movement, as they were stereotyped as being lazy and drug addicted.

Surfer fashion utilizes a carefree feeling along with the need for clothing that is fit for being active, due to the nature of the lifestyle

The surfer subculture has developed its own dialect in the places where it is most popular(such as California and New Zealand) Due to being synonymous with California , it may cross over with some other slang from the state.Sweet Lolita, primarily known as Ama Lolita (Ama from the Japanese word Amai (甘い), meaning sweet, is a substyle of Lolita fashion. This style is is characterized as the most child-like and Kawaii Lolita sub-style.

Anything cute, feminine, and childlike is a must in Sweet Lolita! Sweet Lolita's style stems from Victorian and Edwardian Era clothes mixed with feminine children's clothing to create a whimsical look.  Key motifs of the style include light-colors, femininity, frills, fruits, flowers, lace, desserts, animals, fairy tales, and anything that could be deemed as "cute". Most Sweet Lolita looks include decorative headdresses, bell shaped skirts, petticoats, parasols, flat shoes, fluffy and shiny hair, and soft makeup looks.

It follows the basic Lolita silhouette featuring bell skirts, JSKs and dresses. These are worn with bloomers to create the "bell" shape that is associated with Sweet Lolita.

Hair in this style is seen being worn in pigtails, down, in a bun or odangos, or braids. Ponytails are very rare. Another common hairstyle is curled hair, to give the hair a shinier, softer look, particularly in pigtails. Split colored wigs and pastel colors wigs have become more popular in Sweet Lolita within recent years. The makeup is mostly light and neutral.

Accessories most seen in Sweet Lolita include headdresses, bows, hats or mini hats and decorative headbands, skin tights, light-colored tights, knee-high socks with lace tops, parasols, bags and jewelry that has common Sweet Lolita motifs.

Motifs and imagery most often seen in Sweet Lolita are desserts, berries, animals, flowers, childlike fantasy elements and children's books. The colors usually seen are baby pinks, whites, pastels and blues. Darker colors can be used, but only in very small amounts as enough darker colors would make the outfit Bittersweet Lolita, not Sweet.Swenkas are a subculture of working-class Zulu men in South Africa who participate in amateur competitions that are part fashion show and part choreography, the purpose of which is to display one's style and sense of attitude. The practice, known as "swenking," ultimately derives its name from the English word "swank."

These well-dressed men, often migrant laborers residing in Johannesburg's poor areas, are regarded as inspirations within their communities and adhere to a strict code of values that includes physical cleanliness, sobriety, and self-respect.

The competitive fashion shows usually take place on Saturday nights, featuring an entrance fee from competitors. The Swenkas are judged both on the quality of their attire—typically expensive designer suits with European labels—and their elaborate, choreographed movements, or "swank." The winner of the night receives a portion of the collected entry fees as a prize.

The Swenka subculture originated in the poor areas of Johannesburg, such as Jeppestown, dating back to the mid-1900s. Swenking was particularly crucial during the apartheid era as a means for Zulu migrant laborers to preserve their culture and pride, using a formal dress code to assert their dignity against dehumanizing conditions. This focus on self-discipline and refinement helped individuals transcend the social barriers imposed by their working-class status, transforming the men from underpaid workmen into "peacocks on Saturday night."

The movement is frequently discussed as a form of "African dandyism" and shares characteristics, such as an obsession with high-street brands and a Jazz-Age-inspired look, with the Congolese Sapeurs (La Sape) . However, Swenking is distinguished by its strong emphasis on the articulation of ethnic and community pride as Zulu men, a specific element less foregrounded in the Congolese subculture.

Swenka fashion is centered on a dapper, formal dress code, taking inspiration from the refinement of the jazz age. The main staples of the Swenka look are the business suit and the brimmed hat (such as a fedora). The suits themselves vary widely, ranging from conservative colors like brown, black, and white to bolder choices such as pink, red, or blue.

The ensembles are completed with a variety of accessories, including gloves, braces, cuff links, and sometimes zebra-striped socks. Favored items include Pierre Cardin suits, Florsheim or Baker shoes, and Cashini shirts. Despite this focus on expensive designer wear, most participants earn a modest income, with average monthly wages often around $400. Consequently, they frequently acquire their expensive tailored suits, which can cost up to $1,200, through layaway plans that involve making small payments over long periods while dreaming of the purchase. The investment in clothing is viewed not as a frivolous expenditure, but as a serious business of self-discipline and pride, where "clothes make the man."

The competitions are designed to allow men to display their outfits with elaborate acts and specific "moves" that call attention to the details of their attire, often performed to music by artists such as Henry Mancini and Nat King Cole.

A core philosophical value of Swenking is the positive contribution it makes to the community, with one prominent member stating that spreading swenking could "turn the tide against crime." The transmission of this lifestyle is generational, as evidenced by Swenkas who recall watching their fathers compete and who save their old suits hoping their sons will grow up to become Swenkas themselves.

The subculture was the subject of the 2004 Danish documentary The Swenkas by filmmaker Jeppe Rønde, which highlighted the contrast between the participants' life as underpaid laborers and their glamorous Saturday night persona. The film was noted for its reflection on how style can help individuals temporarily transcend class barriers.The Swingjugend (Swing Youth) were a youth counterculture in Nazi Germany during the late 1930s and early 1940s, primarily active in cities like Hamburg and Berlin. The movement consisted of teenagers and young adults who expressed their opposition to the Nazi regime through an aesthetic and cultural rebellion. Their defiance was centered on an affinity for American and British swing and jazz music, and the adoption of a distinct, Anglo-American fashion style.

While largely apolitical in their initial aims, the Swingjugend's celebration of individualism, personal freedom, and "degenerate" foreign music was a direct affront to the Nazi ideals of militarism, nationalism, and uniformity. Their very existence was perceived as a political threat, leading to brutal persecution by the Gestapo.

The Swing Youth emerged in the late 1930s as loose circles of friends who gathered in private homes and clubs to listen and dance to forbidden jazz records. Their open admiration for enemy cultures, ironic use of greetings like "Swing Heil!", and frequent clashes with the Hitler Youth brought them to the attention of the Nazi authorities.

The regime's response escalated throughout the war. The youth were harassed, their dances were raided, and their non-conformity was labeled as "moral depravity." In 1942, SS leader Heinrich Himmler gave a direct order to crush the movement, demanding that its leaders be imprisoned in concentration camps for several years. This led to mass arrests, and many Swing Youth were tortured or deported to camps like Moringen, Uckermark, and Ravensbrück for their cultural and aesthetic dissent.

The Swingjugend adopted a distinct fashion style that was intentionally Anglo-American and rejected the rigid norms of the Nazi regime. According to a 1940 police report, the look for boys included long, often checked sports jackets, shoes with thick crepe soles, showy scarves, and often an umbrella, carried regardless of the weather. They grew their hair long, which directly defied the military short-back-and-sides haircut of the Hitler Youth.

Girls in the movement rejected the "natural" look promoted by the League of German Girls, which favored braided hair and no makeup. Instead, they wore their hair long and loose, applied lipstick and nail polish, and penciled their eyebrows. Their choice to wear makeup and embrace a more glamorous, feminine style was, in the context of the Third Reich, an act of cultural defiance and rebellion. A similar subculture with a parallel aesthetic, known as the Zazous , existed in occupied France.

For the Swing Youth, swing and jazz music symbolized everything the Nazi regime opposed: individual freedom, self-determination, internationalism, and a love of life. Their rebellion was not based on organized political action, but on creating an "alternative inner world"—a form of escapism centered on jazz that stood in contrast to the grim reality of wartime Germany. They cultivated a "laissez-faire" attitude and a "cool, laid-back demeanor" modeled after American and British film stars, directly challenging the Nazi ideal of the spartan, obedient soldier.The Teddy Boys or Teds were a British subculture in the 1950s. This was led by working-class teens, many of which were involved in gangs. Girls who adopted a similar fashion were called Teddy Girls (sometimes Judies).

Due to WWII, Britain's fashion industry experienced a number of problems due to rationing and massive deaths. Various men's tailors soon devised a style based on Edwardian clothing; they hoped to sell it to the young officers who were returning from war. However, it did not catch on with their target group, leaving  men's tailors with piles of unsold clothing; this clothing was then sold to other menswear shops at low prices. Working-class teens soon adopted these clothes.

Due to many Teddies' connections with gangs, they gained a negative reputation. Many of them were known for violent behavior, one example of this being the so-called 'Cinema Riots', where they reportedly tore up cinema seats and danced throughout the aisles. They were also blamed for a series of racist attacks by white mobs in 1958. Overall, the press used Teddies as a scapegoat that could be blamed for Britain's social problems.

Teddies wore New Edwardian suits, which had tapered trousers and long jackets. Bootlace ties, bright green or pink socks, and crepe-soled shoes ('Brothel Creepers') also became a part of this look. Despite the classy look, their clothes tended to be thrifted.

Mary Toovey, one of the original Teddy Girls, described the fashion as “Turn-up jeans, a coat and something to tie around your neck, those were the Teddy Girl essentials. My friends and I would buy similar clothes when we shopped on the Portobello Road. It was all second hand then, we couldn’t afford new.” Teddy Girls tended to look more androgynous than feminine.

While rock 'n' roll music was typically associated with Teddies, jazzy, big-band music was also a part of the Teddy subculture. The Creep , by Ken Mackintosh, was one of the first Ted-oriented records that made the charts.Tenniscore is a fashion microtrend that emerged in the 2020s, drawing inspiration from the classic aesthetic of tennis apparel. Popularized on social media platforms like TikTok in 2022-2024, the trend reflects a renewed interest in the sport itself during the COVID-19 lockdowns.

Tenniscore incorporates traditional tennis attire such as pleated skirts, polo shirts, and tennis dresses, often in a classic all-white palette. However, the trend also embraces modern interpretations, with brands like Lacoste and Wilson collaborating with streetwear labels like A.P.C., Awake NY, and Kith to create updated silhouettes and incorporate contemporary design elements.

Tenniscore has also influenced casual wear, with elements like cable-knit sweaters, sweater vests, and headbands finding their way into everyday wardrobes. The trend also includes accessories like visors and tennis bracelets, which have seen a resurgence in popularity.

The history of Tenniscore is deeply intertwined with the evolution of tennis fashion itself. In the 1920s, tennis player Suzanne Lenglen, known as "La Divine," challenged the conventions of feminine clothing with her knee-length pleated silk skirt designed by Jean Patou, which allowed for greater freedom of movement. From this point, fashion houses became more involved in creating attire for sports.

In times such as the 2020s, the 2023 film Challengers starring Zendaya has played a major role in popularizing the Tenniscore aesthetic. Zendaya's character's on-screen wardrobe, designed by Jonathan Anderson, features tennis-inspired outfits that combine sporty and high-fashion elements. Zendaya's own red-carpet appearances for the film's promotion helped popularize the trend, showing designer pieces with clear tennis influences.

However, the fashion world was already embracing Tenniscore before Challengers . In 2022, Miu Miu's collection featured cropped polos and micro-pleated skirts, reinterpreting the classic tennis uniform. Lacoste, a brand synonymous with tennis, also paid homage to its history with modern interpretations of traditional tennis wear. Other luxury brands like Gucci have also contributed to the trend. Gucci's "Gucci Tennis" collection draws inspiration from the brand's 1970s archives, combining classic tennis styles with contemporary design.

The Tenniscore aesthetic centers around classic tennis attire with modern additions. Core pieces include pleated tennis skirts, polo shirts, and tennis dresses, often in an all-white color palette or with subtle stripes and accents in green, lime, or navy. These classic pieces are often reinterpreted with contemporary fits, fabrics, and design details. Tenniscore incorporates other athletic-inspired pieces like cable knit sweaters, sweater vests, and track jackets. Accessories play an important role, with visors, sweatbands, and tube socks adding to the sporty vibe. Jewelry, especially tennis bracelets, add a touch of luxury. Footwear choices within Tenniscore range from classic white sneakers to preppy loafers. The aesthetic is a nod to the vintage tennis style.Trojan Skinheads , also known as Traditional Skinheads or Trads , are individuals who identify with the original British skinhead subculture of the mid-to-late 1960s. Named after the iconic Trojan Records label, this subculture is defined by its deep appreciation for Jamaican music genres such as ska, rocksteady, and early reggae, as well as its roots in both British working-class and Jamaican rude boy culture.

The movement is fundamentally distinguished by its anti-racist and apolitical philosophy, which stands in direct opposition to the White Power Skinhead movement that emerged later. Trojan skinheads emphasize the multiracial origins of the subculture, which was born from black and white working-class youths uniting in inner-city estates like Brixton and Hackney over a mutual love for imported Jamaican sounds.

The subculture emerged as a response to the "flower power" and long-haired styles of middle-class hippies , with working-class youths instead adopting a sharp, clean-cut, and utilitarian appearance. The foundation of the subculture was laid by the Windrush generation of immigrants from the Caribbean, who brought rocksteady and rasta culture to major British cities. In 1968, Lee Gopthal and Chris Blackwell founded Trojan Records in North West London to bring these sounds directly to the UK market. The label became the primary source of music for early skinheads, introducing legendary artists such as Jimmy Cliff, Desmond Dekker, and Bob Marley.

Traditional skinheads use the phrase " Spirit of '69 " to commemorate the heyday of the original subculture. The term was popularized by a Scottish crew known as the Glasgow Spy Kids in the early 1990s and was further codified by George Marshall in his seminal history book, Spirit of '69: A Skinhead Bible .

The standard uniform of a Trojan skinhead includes several specific heritage brands and garments:

The haircut is a defining visual characteristic. Unlike the totally bald look associated with 1980s Oi! skins, Trojan skinheads typically wear their hair between a 2 and 4 grade clip-guard. This results in a very short but discernible amount of hair, reflecting the original 1960s style.

Music is one of the most important elements of the Trojan skinhead identity, specifically the upbeat, rhythmic sounds of the Caribbean that provided a contrast to the "grey" reality of London estates. Ska, rocksteady, soul, and skinhead reggae (also known as boss reggae) are the defining genres of the movement. Members of the subculture express fandom through collecting vinyl records, attending ska parties, and frequenting dance halls where these genres are celebrated.

The Trojan sound and aesthetic directly inspired the 2 Tone revival of the late 1970s, with bands like The Specials and Madness giving a nod to original Trojan artists.Tropicália or Tropicalism was a artistic, political, cultural and social movement that originated in Brazil and became popular in 1970s and 1980s during the Brazilian Military Dictatorship era. The goal of Tropicalism was to oppose traditionalism disseminated by the military and the elite, uniting Brazilian cultural elements with foreign genres.

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The movement was pioneered in the late 2010s by artists like Natanael Cano, who is credited with coining the term corridos tumbados . The genre and its aesthetic have since achieved massive international success, breaking the geographical boundaries that once contained Mexican regional music to the northern regions of Mexico and the Southwestern United States.

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They often organize travel to away games to support their team. In recent decades, the Ultras subculture has also become a focal point for resistance against the commercialization of football. While their primary focus is on passionate support, some groups have been associated with hooliganism and, in some cases, far-right or far-left political ideologies. The Ultras subculture has regional variations, such as Casuals in the UK, Barra Bravas in Hispanic America, and Torcidas Organizadas in Brazil.

The Ultras subculture emerged in Italy during the 1960s, quickly becoming a defining aspect of association football fandom. The term "ultra" itself derives from words meaning "other" or "beyond," implying an insurgent or extremist stance. Following its initial development in Southern Europe, the movement spread globally.

Over decades, the Ultras world has constantly evolved, mutated, and reinvented itself. This evolution has brought about significant contradictions within the subculture. For instance, while some Ultras terraces are profoundly politicized, members often maintain that politics should be kept out of the stadiums. The movement has also seen an escalation of violence over time, progressing from fist fights to incidents involving knives, flares, ambushes, and even firearms.

Despite negative portrayals in the media, the Ultras movement exhibits a complex duality. While associated with violence and occasional links to organized crime like the mafia, it also demonstrates instances of altruism and provides sanctuary from such criminal elements. For example, the Cosenza Ultras, known for being devoutly anti-fascist, have squatted buildings confiscated from the mafia to house immigrants and destitute Italians, operated a food bank, and created Italy's first play-park for disabled children. Ultras also engage in broader social actions and collaborate with different social movements beyond the stadium.

The desire for uncompromising unity and allegiance is a defining stance for Ultras, often expressed through slogans like "you can't mistrust the faith" or "never on your knees." This longing for absolutism, combined with the defense of territory and identity through colors and clothing, has led to a strong alignment between many terraces and far-right political ideologies, with the vast majority of Italian terraces today being controlled by far-right leaders. Conversely, Ultras also organize campaigns against the commercialization of football under the slogan 'Against Modern Football'.

A notable incident showing the complexities of the Ultras world occurred on Boxing Day 2018 in Milan, where Inter Ultras, supported by groups like Varese's Blood & Honour (a neo-Nazi organization), ambushed Neapolitan Ultras. The ambush involved the use of homemade grenades, flares, and various weapons, resulting in fatalities, such as the accidental death of Daniele Belardinelli. This event, along with incidents of racial abuse during subsequent matches, contributed to negative public perception. However, investigations revealed that the violence was often ritualistic, and both police and Ultras sometimes exaggerated incidents to suit their own narratives, contributing to a cycle of disinformation. Despite being misunderstood, Ultras believe they have contributed positively to society, advocating that understanding them requires direct engagement with their way of life.

The Ultras subculture is characterized by a deliberate and highly organized visual language employed to create a specific atmosphere within football stadiums. Central to this aesthetic are tifos , which are elaborate, choreographed stadium displays involving large-scale mosaics, card stunts, and enormous hand-painted banners that can stretch across entire sections of the stands, sometimes featuring multiple layers and moving parts.

Other prominent visual elements include numerous flags of various sizes, including giant flags, which bear the names and symbols of the Ultras groups or the football club itself. The extensive use of pyrotechnics , such as flares and smoke bombs , contributes a lot to the visual spectacle, filling the stadium with color and smoke.

These visual components are elaborately planned and executed, serving as a demonstration of the subculture's collective identity and values. The aesthetic aims to encourage the home team while simultaneously intimidating opposing players and their supporters. Beyond the stadium, specific club symbols and group names are sometimes displayed through graffiti and murals in urban areas associated with the team. Individual members may also incorporate facial coverings like scarves or balaclavas, contributing to a unified, anonymous visual front within the group's collective display.

Fashion within the Ultras subculture is characterized by its role in fostering unity and security among group members, who recognize each other through a shared dress code. This adherence to a specific style holds a strong connection to the movement's roots, serving as a visual flag that declares belonging, even from a distance. The choice of attire reinforces the idea that an Ultra maintains their identity regardless of their everyday role.

At the stadium, the fashion is typically technical, monochromatic, and understated, designed for collective presence. This often includes the use of scarves, balaclavas, or other coverings for the face, serving to ensure anonymity, protect from identification by authorities, and enhance the sense of unified group identity and intimidation. Outside the match environment, for leisure activities, the style can become more expressive, occasionally incorporating additional colors.

Brands hold significant importance within this aesthetic, embodying the historical codes and meanings of the movement. Influential brands include Adidas, Fred Perry, Stone Island, and Burberry. Other commonly used brands are Ben Sherman, Aquascutum, Lyle & Scott, Umbro, and Lacoste. In more recent years, The North Face and Alpha Industries have gained prominence. Italian brands like Diadora, Ellesse, Sergio Tacchini, and C.P. Company are also favored. Newer brands such as the English Weekend Offender and Ma.strum, which are direct descendants of the Ultras aesthetic, have also found success within the community.

While a common style exists for immediate recognition, this adherence to a dress code also allows for a form of depersonalization while simultaneously identifying a status. The fashion thus operates as a "declaration" of being an intrinsic part of society while simultaneously representing a movement that navigates its edges, allowing individuals to discreetly signal their allegiance. This established visual code has contributed to the aesthetic's international diffusion and its recent influence on mainstream streetwear trends.

The Ultras subculture, while primarily defined by its fanatical support for football clubs, is also highly influenced by various and often extreme political ideologies. While some Ultra groups maintain an apolitical stance, many are directly linked to both far-right and far-left politics, including instances of neo-Nazism and fascism. For some factions, this politicization can become so central that support for their team may become secondary to their ideological objectives.

Political views are explicitly articulated and displayed through various aesthetic elements. Ultras frequently incorporate political slogans and symbols onto their banners and flags, and integrate them into choreographed chants within the stadium. Historically, particularly in Italy during the 1970s, the movement emerged amidst periods of socio-political turmoil, leading members to adopt the attire of political street groups, such as green parkas and camouflage combat jackets, and utilize balaclavas or neckerchiefs to cover their faces, resembling urban guerrillas. Stadium discussions also featured political rhetoric and debates, with terms directly borrowed from political discourse.

Political leanings vary by group and region. For instance, in Italy, some prominent Ultra groups align with the far-right (e.g., SS Lazio, Inter, Hellas Verona), while others are associated with the far-left (e.g., Livorno). Polish Ultra groups formed in the 1980s sometimes identified as fascist or national-socialist, opposing the communist government. Spanish ultraism is known for its stark division between fascist and anti-fascist, or separatist and nationalist, ideologies. Notable examples of politically engaged groups include Germany's FC St. Pauli's Ultra Sankt Pauli, which is known for its anti-fascist, anti-racist, anti-sexist, and anti-homophobic stance, and Cyprus's Gate-9 (Omonia), which retains traditional left-wing beliefs and displays symbols like Che Guevara's portrait.

Beyond explicit ideological affiliations, a common political stance across many Ultra groups is their strong opposition to the commercialization of football. They often organize campaigns and protests under the unifying slogan "Against Modern Football" to reject perceived corporate influence in the sport. Ultras also engage in broader social and political actions, participating in or collaborating with various social movements outside the stadium environment.

The Ultras movement is often highly controversial and subject to negative portrayal due to various incidents and associations. While the primary objective of Ultras is to provide fanatical support for their teams, instances of football hooliganism and violence are frequently linked to their groups. Unlike hooligan firms, whose main aim is fighting, Ultras typically engage in violence as a secondary aspect of their support, often occurring outside stadiums.

A significant area of controversy involves the political leanings of some Ultra groups. Certain factions are explicitly tied to extremist ideologies, including neo-Nazism and other forms of far-right politics, as well as, in some cases, far-left politics. This politicization can sometimes overshadow the support for the team itself. For example, some early Polish Ultra groups identified as fascist or national-socialist, and Spanish ultraism is known for its polarization between fascist and anti-fascist, or separatist and nationalist, ideologies.

Additionally, some Ultra groups have been associated with organized crime, such as gangs and the mafia, particularly in Italy. The movement has also faced widespread criticism for inappropriate chanting, including racist chants directed at opposing players or rival clubs. Such behavior has led to penalties like stadium bans for clubs. Notable incidents, such as the attack on a Liverpool fan by Roma Ultras, have drawn international condemnation, highlighting the severe consequences of Ultra-related violence. Egyptian Ultras, for instance, have faced arrests and crackdowns due to their perceived involvement in illegal groups and violent offenses.Vacation Dadcore is a modern lifestyle and fashion aesthetic centered on a nostalgic and kitschy portrayal of a father on a tropical or resort-style vacation. The aesthetic prioritizes laid-back comfort and functionality over contemporary fashion trends, drawing heavy inspiration from the popular culture of the 1970s and 1980s (most notably Magnum, P.I. ). It is defined by a specific wardrobe, a relaxed and carefree attitude, and an environment of leisure, typically involving poolsides, beaches, and day drinking.

The visual and cultural touchstones of Vacation Dadcore are rooted in the American popular culture of the 1970s and 80s. The aesthetic pulls heavily from the imagery of beach destinations like Miami and Hawaii during that period, romanticizing a specific type of masculine leisure. The style of figures like Thomas Magnum from the television series Magnum, P.I. (1980-1988), with his signature Hawaiian shirts and moustache, is a primary influence. The aesthetic also incorporates elements from the everyman "dad" archetype of the late 20th century, particularly the practical and often un-fashionable choices stereotypically associated with family holidays.

As a defined aesthetic, Vacation Dadcore emerged in the late 2010s on social media, where users began to codify and celebrate this specific nostalgic look. It represents a form of escapism, idealizing a simpler, pre-digital era of relaxation and fun.

The fashion of Vacation Dadcore is defined by its comfort, practicality, and embrace of bold, retro patterns. The quintessential garment is the Hawaiian shirt, often in bright, tropical prints featuring flowers, palm trees, or flamingos. These are typically paired with simple, functional bottoms like cargo shorts or basic jeans.

Footwear prioritizes ease and comfort, with sandals (sometimes controversially paired with socks), flip-flops, or simple white athletic trainers being common choices. Accessories are a key component and include aviator sunglasses, wide-brimmed hats like the Panama hat, and visible moustaches.

The visual language of Vacation Dadcore evokes a strong sense of place and time, centered on tropical and retro leisure environments. Common imagery includes sun-drenched poolsides, sandy beaches with palm trees, and tiki bars. The aesthetic also incorporates nostalgic, kitschy settings like late-night bowling alleys, retro arcades, and American-style diners . The color palette is vibrant, featuring bright primary colors mixed with neon lights, often contrasted with muted earth tones.

In interior design, the aesthetic is represented through items like vintage travel posters, rattan furniture, tiki mugs, and other tropical-themed decor. The overall goal is to create a space that feels like a permanent vacation, embracing a playful and relaxed atmosphere.

There is no single music genre that defines Vacation Dadcore; rather, the associated music is selected based on its ability to create a specific mood of carefree relaxation. The sound is often described as "yacht rock" or "soft rock," featuring smooth melodies and laid-back rhythms that evoke a sense of leisure and nostalgia. Key artists from the 1970s and 80s, such as The Doobie Brothers, Christopher Cross, and Jimmy Buffett, are central to the aesthetic's sound. The goal is to create a soundtrack suitable for lounging by a pool or driving along a coast, transporting the listener to a vacation state of mind.

The Vacation Dadcore aesthetic is heavily influenced by characters from film and television who embody its relaxed and often quirky style.British Sportsmanship describes the subculture of sports played by the nobility of Britain in their manors in rural areas, as well as some employees of the estate. It includes hunting, shooting, and equestrian sports, which are specialized, with many traditions and forms of dress associated with these activities.

The nobles in Britain historically owned estates, with large swaths of land and forest. After spending time in London for social and political reasons, they would go back to the manor and the men would often go out on hunting excursions and ride horses, particularly in autumn, which is hunting season. The nobles also hired employees with specialized skills, such as gamekeepers and stablehands, who would also participate in hunting and equestrianism in order to maintain the estate and aid the nobles.

From the Victorian era to the 1950s, the visual culture for this aesthetic developed, with the clothing largely being developed during this time. However, the aesthetic has become less common, as fox hunting has been banned in many parts of the UK since the 2000s and the British nobility take on more modern practices and hobbies.

Many of these visuals are a large basis of the Preppy aesthetic, and interior and fashion designers often specifically create rooms, garments, etc. themed after this culture. The visual culture is also important to the conceptualization of rural Britain, with this aesthetic largely being featured in period dramas and nostalgic art.

This section features fictional works that feature scenes of hunting or equestrianism done by British nobility.Wa Lolita (和ロリ, Wa Rori ) is a substyle of Japanese Lolita fashion that incorporates elements of traditional Japanese clothing (和服, wafuku ), most notably the kimono, while maintaining the standard Lolita silhouette. It is often considered one of the most difficult Lolita styles to coordinate correctly, as a respectful and aesthetically successful execution requires some understanding of traditional Japanese garments.

Wa Lolita is generally expressed through two distinct approaches. The first and most literal interpretation is a "mini-kimono" style, which features a top piece that directly mimics the structure of a kimono, complete with a wrapped collar and wide, squared sleeves, paired with a full Lolita-style skirt.

The second approach is more subtle and is often favored by established Japanese brands like Metamorphose temps de fille. This style focuses on using textiles with traditional Japanese motifs and patterns on a standard Lolita dress silhouette, such as a Jumperskirt (JSK) or One-Piece (OP). The Japanese elements may be limited to the print and small details like an obi-style waist bow, rather than altering the garment's fundamental structure. Some experienced members of the fashion community also create advanced coordinates by pairing authentic traditional garments, such as a haori (kimono-style jacket), with a Lolita skirt.

The defining feature of a Wa Lolita garment is its reference to the kimono. This is most often seen in the bodice, which features a wrapped front collar that must be worn with the left side over the right, as wrapping right over left is reserved for dressing the deceased for burial. Many designs also incorporate the long, rectangular sleeves (sode) characteristic of a furisode kimono. The waist is typically accentuated with a wide sash or bow that emulates an obi. Skirts maintain the standard bell-shape or A-line Lolita silhouette, supported by a petticoat.

Coordinates are often completed with traditional Japanese footwear, such as platform geta (wooden sandals) or the more formal zōri sandals, which are typically worn with tabi (split-toe socks). However, standard Lolita shoes are also commonly used. A key accessory is the kanzashi, a traditional Japanese hair ornament, often featuring fabric flowers and tassels, which is used to adorn more traditional hairstyles.

While hairstyles vary, they often draw inspiration from traditional Japanese updos. Makeup is typically consistent with other Lolita substyles, though a look featuring neat black eyeliner and matte red lips is sometimes used as an homage to geisha makeup. However, the use of traditional white-face makeup (oshiroi) is considered inappropriate for Wa Lolita and is strongly discouraged within the fashion community.

The topic of cultural appropriation is a frequent point of discussion surrounding Wa Lolita, particularly when worn by individuals who are not of Japanese descent. The general consensus within the international Lolita community is that wearing the style is acceptable and not considered offensive, provided it is done with respect and a genuine appreciation for Japanese culture.

However, because the style draws from a rich and complex history of traditional dress, it is advised that those unfamiliar with Japanese culture and the specific meanings behind certain garments and motifs take time to educate themselves. This is to avoid unintentional disrespect and to create a coordinate that is both beautiful and culturally informed.Wartime Austerity is an aesthetic that emerged during the 1940s, primarily shaped by the resource scarcity and rationing imposed during World War II and its immediate aftermath. This period saw a significant shift in fashion and consumption, moving away from the more extravagant styles of the 1930s towards a more utilitarian and minimalist approach. Governments in countries like Great Britain and the United States implemented strict regulations to conserve materials for the war effort.

In Great Britain, the government launched the Utility Clothing Scheme, known as CC41, in 1942. This scheme enlisted top designers to create capsule collections that adhered to restrictions on fashion, ensuring quality-controlled fabrics and more efficient production of civilian clothing. The aesthetic favored practical garments with little waste in their production. For women, this meant the rise of woolen skirt suits with stark, menswear-inspired tailoring, featuring narrow and slim silhouettes with accentuated shoulders and slightly nipped waists. Military elements like belts and breast pockets served as adornments. The knee-length shirtwaist dress, particularly the "Kitty Foyle Dress" with a contrasting collar and cap sleeves, also reigned due to its simple A-line skirt requiring little volume yet maintaining a polished look.

Accessories also adapted to the shortages. Hats, still common, shrunk in size and were crafted from materials like felt and straw, often worn askew. Snoods and turbans became popular for their practicality in keeping hair out of the way, especially for women working in factories. Shoes were sturdy with rounded toes and substantial heels, using alternative materials like cork and raffia due to leather shortages.

For men, suit styles became slimmer due to clothing rations. Double-breasted suits of the 1920s and 1930s transitioned to single-breasted, and waistcoats were largely abolished. Trouser turn-ups were banned under rationing protocols. The "zoot suit" of 1943, with its excess fabric, stood in contrast to the prevailing less-is-more tailoring and became a counterculture fashion, leading to social tensions in some areas.

Beyond clothing, the wartime conditions influenced other aspects of daily life. The British "blackout" led to a trend of wearing white clothes and luminous accessories for visibility. "Siren suits," all-in-one garments, became popular for quick donning during air raids. The government also promoted "Make Do and Mend" campaigns, encouraging people to reuse and refashion old clothes, with women improvising with items like painted legs and drawn "seams" to simulate stockings.

The aesthetic of Wartime Austerity was born out of necessity, encouraging creativity, resilience, and practicality through resource conservation measures and clothing rationing. This period, which extended into the immediate post-war years, gradually gave way as public desire for new and more abundant styles increased.

A major cultural shift occurred with Christian Dior's debut collection in spring 1947, famously dubbed the " New Look " by Harper's Bazaar. This collection deliberately countered wartime practicality, featuring silhouettes with an unabashed use of textiles, full skirts, and nipped waists, often recalling 18th-century styles. Dior's designs, particularly the iconic Bar Suit, symbolized a return to luxury and femininity. Despite some initial resistance to its perceived wastefulness, the "New Look" heavily influenced the direction of 1950s fashion and its silhouettes. Clothing rationing in Britain, although reduced, persisted until March 1949, and it was not until the early 1950s that consumer choices fully returned, allowing society to embrace the glamorous styles that defined the new decade.

Wartime Austerity radically changed fashion trends during the 1940s, driven by material rationing and resource conservation. The prevailing style emphasized practicality and utility over extravagance, leading to minimalist designs for civilian clothing.

For women, the era saw the rise of the tailored utility suit, often in wool. This silhouette was narrow and slim, featuring subtly accentuated shoulders and slightly nipped waists, incorporating military-inspired elements like belts and breast pockets. The knee-length shirtwaist dress, characterized by a simple A-line skirt and often a contrasting collar, became ubiquitous for its polished yet unfussy appearance. Hats, while still common, were reduced in size and often crafted from materials like felt or straw, frequently worn at an angle. Practical headwear such as snoods and turbans also gained popularity, serving to keep hair contained, particularly for women entering factory work. Footwear became sturdy, with rounded toes and substantial heels; due to leather shortages, alternative materials like cork and raffia were utilized in espadrilles and other shoe designs. Women also adopted traditionally male workwear, including overalls and sturdy boots, as they entered the workforce in large numbers.

Men's fashion also saw significant changes due to clothing rations. Suits adopted a slimmer fit, with double-breasted styles replaced by single-breasted versions, and waistcoats largely abolished as unnecessary fabric. Regulations restricted the number of pockets and banned trouser turn-ups, though some men circumvented this by altering longer trousers at home. Shirt lengths were restricted, and double cuffs were prohibited. In contrast to these lean silhouettes, the zoot suit emerged as a counterculture fashion, characterized by its voluminous excess fabric and wide lapels. This style, rooted in 1930s Harlem , was popular among Black, Mexican American, and Latino men, and its defiance of rationing norms led to social tensions in some areas. Post-war, demobilized servicemen were issued a "demob suit" as part of their transition to civilian life.

Across all clothing, the Utility Clothing Scheme often marked garments with the "CC41" logo, guaranteeing adherence to specific material and design restrictions. The period also encouraged a "Make Do and Mend" philosophy, where people reused and refashioned old clothes. When cosmetics or stockings were scarce, women improvised with alternatives like beetroot for lipstick or leg paint with drawn "seams" to simulate hosiery.Weimar Cabaret (German: Kabarett ) was a transgressive subculture of performance, music, and fashion that flourished in Germany, particularly Berlin, during the Weimar Republic period (1918–1933). Born from the social and artistic freedoms that followed the collapse of the German Empire, the cabaret scene became famous for its sharp political satire, celebration of sexual liberation, and embrace of the avant-garde.

The aesthetic stood in stark opposition to the conservative and authoritarian values of the past, creating a hedonistic and intellectually charged environment. Singers, dancers, and comedians used humor and shock value to critique society, explore taboo subjects, and push the boundaries of artistic expression.

The lifting of imperial-era censorship after World War I allowed German cabaret to transform from a conservative art form into a cultural force. In the turbulent political and economic climate of the Weimar Republic, many Germans, particularly the youth, felt like a "lost generation" and rejected traditional systems of morality. This "anything goes" attitude fueled a boom in nightlife and entertainment.

The philosophy of the Kabarett was not only about entertainment but an adversarial art form with a duty to challenge and change society. Performers used satire, parody, and mockery to critique all political parties, from the ruling Social Democrats to the rising Nazi party. This critical spirit was matched by a social rebellion that embraced sexual freedom, queer identities, and a general rejection of bourgeois convention.

Cabaret entertainment was dominated by two themes: sex and politics . Songs and comedy routines were filled with sexual innuendo, and as the 1920s progressed, nudity became a common feature, with many venues featuring topless dancers. The cabarets were also safe havens for Berlin's lively queer community. They hosted transvestite balls and featured openly gay and lesbian performers, bringing queer life into the public sphere in an unprecedented way. Performers like the notoriously provocative Anita Berber became icons of the era, with dances titled "Vice, Horror, and Ecstasy."

The fashion of Weimar Cabaret was heavily influenced by the Garçonne look from France, emphasizing androgyny. It was common for female performers and patrons, such as Marlene Dietrich, to wear traditionally masculine attire like tuxedos and monocles as a symbol of their independence. Makeup was dramatic and artificial, defined by pencil-thin, arched eyebrows, dark, vampy lipstick, and heavy, smokey eyes. The visual aesthetic of the era was also heavily influenced by German Expressionism , with its dark, distorted, and psychologically charged imagery shaping the mood of many cabaret stages and the art of painters like Otto Dix and George Grosz, who famously chronicled the scene.

Cabaret music was a blend of American jazz, which was seen as modern and risqué, and the German tradition of witty, satirical songs ( chansons ). Composers like Mischa Spoliansky and Friedrich Hollaender wrote catchy, cynical tunes that represented the era's hedonism and despair, with lyrics that often mocked politics and the "swindles" of modern life.

The popular image of Weimar Cabaret as a universally "decadent" world of non-stop orgies and depravity is largely a myth, created and amplified by two main sources. First, conservative and reactionary critics of the era, like Stefan Zweig, condemned the scene's sexual openness as a sign of moral collapse. This view was later weaponized by the Nazis , who labeled the entire movement as "degenerate art" ( Entartete Kunst ) to justify their persecution of its artists, many of whom were Jewish, queer, or left-wing.

Second, this image was cemented in the global imagination by the 1972 film Cabaret . The movie created a fictionalized and sensationalized amalgam of the Berlin scene, which, while iconic, does not represent the full reality. Many cabarets were primarily intellectual venues for political satire rather than hedonistic nightclubs. The "decadence" of the era was often a form of artistic and social liberation, not just a sign of moral decay.Yugo-Nostalgia is a cultural phenomenon encompassing the nostalgic feelings that some citizens of the former Yugoslavia have for the period of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). This sentiment often focuses on the period between the 1960s and 1980s, before the Yugoslav Wars led to the country's dissolution. The nostalgia is expressed as a longing for a time when the now-splintered states were a part of one country, characterized by a perceived sense of unity, coexistence, and a better quality of life. It is visible in cultural products like music, art, and cinema that use imagery from the Yugoslav period, and in organized tours of important locations from that time.

Yugo-Nostalgia is not the same thing as "Yugoslavism," a political movement that promotes the reunification of the former Yugoslav republics. While they share similar themes, Yugo-Nostalgia is an emotional and cultural sentiment focused on remembering the past, whereas Yugoslavism is a political ideology aimed at a unified future.

The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) was established in 1945 with the goal of uniting the region's diverse ethnic and religious groups under the leadership of Josip Broz Tito. The country was composed of six republics: Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slovenia, Montenegro, and Macedonia, along with two autonomous regions, Kosovo and Vojvodina. Tito's death in 1980 marked a significant turning point, as nationalist sentiments began to rise among the population, leading to growing calls for autonomy or full independence. This political instability eventually culminated in the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s, a series of violent conflicts that resulted in the country's breakup, with Slovenia and Croatia being the first to secede in 1991.

Yugo-Nostalgia began to emerge in the decades following the wars as a reaction to this dissolution. Many who lived through the Yugoslav period hold positive memories of the stability, unity, and relative prosperity they experienced during that time. The sentiment is fueled by a sense of loss for a shared identity, disillusionment with the political and economic conditions of the post-Yugoslav states, and regret over the mass destruction and violence of the wars.

Those who identify as "Yugonostalgics" ( Jugonostalgičari ) express this feeling in various ways, such as displaying Yugoslav symbols, visiting important historical sites like Tito's grave, and collecting vintage media. The movement also has a presence in online communities and in the sale of memorabilia, including badges, posters, and other items featuring the SFRY flag or images of Josip Broz Tito.

Yugo-Nostalgia is expressed through a distinct set of visual elements and artifacts that evoke the period. Memorabilia from the Yugoslav era, such as vintage stamps, banknotes, coins, posters, and badges, are highly sought-after. These objects often feature iconic symbols like the SFRY flag, with its prominent red, white, and blue stripes and a red star on the coat of arms.

Josip Broz Tito is a central figure in this style, with his image appearing on everything from badges to posters. His portraits often show him in military uniform or with his pet leopard. Visiting his grave in Belgrade is also a significant ritual for many. The Zastava Yugo, a car produced by the Yugoslav auto industry, is another popular symbol of the country's former economic and industrial self-sufficiency. Beyond these key items, everyday consumer products from the era, such as Plazma biscuits and Bajadera chocolates, evoke shared childhood memories.

Fashion also plays a role in the aesthetic. A popular revival style draws from the Dizelaši subculture of the 1990s, consisting of colorful tracksuits, bomber jackets, and sneakers.

Neo-Dizelaši is a revival of the 1990s Dizelaši subculture, primarily in Serbia. It updates the original aesthetic of tracksuits, bomber jackets, and sneakers with modern additions like camouflage hoodies, tapered ankle cuffs, and bootleg Air Max sneakers. This revival is not just about the fashion; it also celebrates the music and lifestyle of the era. Events like " Volim Devedesete " (I Love the Nineties) are organized to commemorate 1990s pop culture, drawing on the nostalgic sentiment of that time. Some individuals associated with the style also acquire pit bull dogs as a status symbol.

Yugowave is a niche aesthetic derived from Synthwave that began approximately in the late 2010s, primarily on YouTube and SoundCloud. The aesthetic uses nostalgic and melancholic imagery from the Yugoslav period, including scenes from old movies, television shows, and symbols of Yugoslav unity.

Yugowave is distinct from "Serbwave," a related aesthetic that focuses on Serbian nationalism and often uses crude or ironic portrayals of the Yugoslav Wars. While Yugowave expresses a sincere nostalgia for the entire Yugoslavia, Serbwave is generally considered a form of political satire and is sometimes created by internet users who are not Serbian. A notable figure who has influenced both aesthetics is the Montenegrin YouTuber TheAthelasProject, who combines military footage with Vaporwave -inspired visuals. This distinction is similar to the difference between Sovietwave , which expresses a genuine nostalgia for the Soviet Union, and Laborwave , which is often more satirical and absurd.

Music produced during the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia remains the primary artifact of Yugo-Nostalgia. Yugoslavia's unique geopolitical position outside the Soviet sphere resulted in the direct import of Western rock and pop, leading to a domestic music scene that operated between 1960 and 1990.

Ex-Yu Rock (short for former Yugoslav rock) retrospectively refers to the rock music output of the former federation. This movement integrated jazz, funk, and early synth-pop into a localized rock framework. Unlike countries in the Eastern Bloc, Yugoslav artists had access to instruments and records from the UK and US, resulting in bands like Siluete and Bijelo Dugme adopting Western production standards. The scene relied on state-sanctioned festivals and specialized magazines to connect youth across the different republics.

The 1970s and 1980s were dominated by Sarajevo-based Bijelo Dugme and the Belgrade-based Riblja Čorba. The lyrical content of this era often utilized a shared Serbo-Croatian linguistic base to promote a trans-republic identity.

The Yugoslav New Wave (Serbian: Novi talas ; Croatian/Slovene: Novi val ) appeared in the late 1970s as a derivation of punk , ska, and power pop. The movement was functionally supported by the state through the Jugoton and PGP-RTB record labels and government-controlled media. This arrangement allowed for "friendly critiques" of socialist bureaucracy in the lyrics of bands like Azra.

The movement was technically linked to the Mladina and Polet publications and avant-garde art circles. The commercial decline of the scene coincided with the 1980s economic hyperinflation and the rise of ethnic nationalism, which fragmented the centralized music market.

Yugo-Nostalgia is a controversial phenomenon, with critics arguing that it often amounts to a form of historical revisionism. This perspective holds that Yugo-nostalgics tend to focus exclusively on the positive aspects of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, such as economic stability, social solidarity, and national unity. In doing so, they are perceived to overshadow the negative aspects of the regime, including the suppression of political dissent, restrictions on freedom of speech, and the lack of LGBT rights.

The nostalgia is also seen as a reaction to the political and economic problems of the successor states that emerged after Yugoslavia's breakup. The term "Yugo-nostalgic" has been used negatively by supporters of post-Yugoslav regimes to discredit political critics, labeling them as unpatriotic or traitorous. This has made discussions about Yugoslavia's legacy politically charged.

Additionally, Yugo-Nostalgia, like other forms of nostalgia, can be influenced by personal experience. Older generations may idealize the past by conflating their own youth with the political period, leading to a romanticized view of the era. Younger generations, who did not experience the Yugoslav Wars or the SFRY, are often seen as having a more realistic perspective. They are more likely to acknowledge both the positive and negative aspects of Yugoslavia without expressing a desire for its return.Yuppie , a portmanteau of " Young Urban Professional ," is a term for a youth subculture that became prominent in the 1980s in the United States. It describes a generation of ambitious, university-educated Baby Boomers who pursued high-paying careers in fields like finance, law, and marketing during the economic boom of the Reagan era.

The Yuppie lifestyle was defined by conspicuous consumption and materialism, where professional success was displayed through a specific set of status symbols , including luxury European cars like BMWs, Rolex watches, high-tech gadgets like the Filofax, and a taste for gourmet food and drink. Their fashion was an extension of their corporate ambition, characterized by Power Dressing : men wore expensive tailored suits from brands like Brooks Brothers, often with bold suspenders and "power ties," while women wore skirt suits with prominent shoulder pads to project authority.

The Yuppie became a defining archetype of the 1980s, representing both the era's aspirational drive for success and, for its critics, a culture of greed and superficiality, a tension famously explored in works like the novel The Bonfire of the Vanities and the film Wall Street .

The Yuppie subculture emerged in the United States during the early 1980s, fueled by the post-war economic boom and the expansion of white-collar industries like finance and law. The term, an acronym for "Young Urban Professional" and first appearing in print around 1980, came to describe a new generation of ambitious, university-educated Baby Boomers who flocked to major cities and embraced a lifestyle of materialism and careerism. In 1984, Newsweek magazine declared it the "Year of the Yuppie," cementing the archetype's place in the cultural consciousness and highlighting their role in the widespread gentrification of urban neighborhoods. The ethos of the subculture was strongly aligned with the political climate of the decade, particularly the free-market ideologies of Reaganomics in the US and Thatcherism in the UK. The cultural dominance of the Yuppie began to wane following the "Black Monday" stock market crash of 1987, which challenged their image of infallible financial success. By the early 1990s, the archetype had largely faded from prominence as the generation aged and cultural attitudes shifted, though the term persists as a descriptor for affluent young professionals.

Yuppie fashion in the 1980s was a direct reflection of the subculture's professional ambition and consumerist lifestyle, serving as a visual display of success and social status. The workplace uniform was defined by Power Dressing , a style meant to project authority. For men, this meant expensive, tailored business suits from brands like Brooks Brothers, often paired with bold "power ties" and suspenders. For women, it was characterized by skirt suits with prominent, padded shoulders designed to create an assertive silhouette. This taste for luxury goods extended beyond the office to status symbols like Rolex watches, designer handbags, and European luxury cars. While often confused with the Preppy aesthetic, Yuppie fashion is fundamentally a " New Money " phenomenon, defined by the conspicuous and intentional display of newly acquired wealth, in contrast to the more understated, inherited style of the " Old Money " Preppy tradition.

The Yuppie lifestyle was defined by a culture of intense professional ambition and the conspicuous consumption that accompanied it. Their lives were centered on demanding, high-paying careers with long work hours, and success was measured and displayed through material possessions and exclusive experiences. This included dining at upscale restaurants, frequenting exclusive health clubs, and purchasing status symbols like luxury cars and designer clothing. The stereotypical attitude of the Yuppie was one of pragmatic careerism; relationships and personal time were often secondary to professional advancement. They tended to socialize with similarly successful peers and were often portrayed as apolitical, prioritizing individual self-improvement and financial gain over collective or social concerns.Yé-yé is a genre of pop music and an associated youth subculture that originated in the early 1960s in Southwestern Europe, especially in France, Spain, Italy, and Portugal. The term derives from the English phrase "yeah! yeah!," popularized by British beat music groups whose sound, along with American rock and roll, heavily influenced the movement. Yé-yé developed during a period of post-war economic growth, reflecting a new, modern pop-culture consciousness among the youth of the era, and was connected to the magazine Salut les copains .

The musical style of yé-yé was characterized by its combination of Anglo-American influences with traditional European pop forms, such as French chanson . The songs typically featured catchy, upbeat melodies and simple, danceable rhythms, though some artists, like Françoise Hardy, incorporated more melancholic and sophisticated arrangements. Lyrically, the genre focused on themes of teenage life, including innocent romance, daydreams, and mild rebellion. The performers were often young female singers, known as "yé-yé girls" (" chicas yéyé " in Spain), who became popular idols. Key artists included France Gall and Sylvie Vartan in France, and Concha Velasco and Karina in Spain.

The " yé-yé girls " were also significant fashion figures whose style defined the movement's visual identity. The look was modern and youthful, heavily influenced by the Mod subculture of London. Singers frequently wore miniskirts, A-line dresses, go-go boots, and clothing with bold, geometric patterns. The associated beauty standard featured a distinct look with heavy eyeliner, often in a cat-eye style, and modern hairstyles such as the bob cut with a fringe. This aesthetic made the yé-yé movement as much a phenomenon of fashion and style as it was of music.

The Yé-yé movement emerged in France during the early 1960s, quickly gaining popularity throughout Western Europe. Its origins are closely linked to the French radio program Salut les copains ("Hello pals"), which first aired in December 1959. A key feature of this program was the segment " Le chouchou de la semaine " ("The Sweetheart of the Week"), which reported on the latest Yé-yé music and fashion. The show's immense popularity played a really important role in popularizing the movement into the mainstream. In 1962, a magazine with the same name launched editions in France, Spain, Italy, and Germany, expanding the genre's reach and influence.

Hosted by Daniel Filipacchi and Frank Ténot and only featuring songs aimed at teenagers, the show became a cultural phenomenon among the French youth. It popularized now iconic artists like Sylvie Vartan, Françoise Hardy, Serge Gainsbourg, Sheila, Johnny Hallyday, Mireille Mathieu, and Salvatore Adamo, among others.

During the aftermath of World War II, the global life expectancy began to rise. Prior to this decade, the boundaries between teenagers and adults were not yet completely understood. For instance, young people usually wore the same clothing styles and liked the same music and popular media as their parents. Many teens were also fed up with listening to sad stories about their older relatives and war, which they hadn't experienced themselves. In contrast, shows like Salut les copains actually reflected their daily lives and experiences. The economic empowerment of teenagers coincided with the emergence of a new age category: adolescence. Mass media, including press, radio, television, and film, played a crucial role in the emergence of this new age group by providing them new idols and role models, many of whom were British pop stars ("British Invasion").

Initially, cinema introduced new adolescent heroes, including figures like James Dean. Shortly after, Rock 'n' Roll music took on this influential role. However, all forms of media were involved in this process. Elvis Presley transitioned into a film star, much like French Yé-yé icons such as Johnny Hallyday, Sylvie Vartan, and France Gall, who also began appearing in movies.

In France, Yé-yé represented a significant cultural shift. Young women saw themselves represented in popular music for the first time, as it was one of the first musical scenes to be dominated by girls. These singers and idols were teenagers just like the audience, and their lyrics addressed well-known subjects among the youth. Yé-yé also brought innovation to European music at large, with its influence extending to regions like Quebec and Japan. Notably, Yé-yé is often cited as a precursor to Shibuya-Kei music.

Yé-yé girls were usually very young and innocent. For instance, France Gall was just 14 years old when she recorded her first album, and won the 1965 Eurovision Song Contest representing Luxembourg at the age of 17, with her song " Poupée de cire, poupée de son ." While many songs conveyed an image of youthful innocence and explored themes of first love, such as Françoise Hardy's " Tous les garçons et les filles " and Brigitte Bardot's " Un jour comme un autre ," some also subtly touched on topics of sexuality.

Although inspired by Rock 'n' Roll, Yé-yé was also shaped by commercial interests. To appeal to parents and advertisers, producers often encouraged a more polished sound, catchy melodies, and upbeat lyrics. French Yé-yé singers were marketed as wholesome idols, and this opened up opportunities for brands to endorse their products.

The Yé-yé movement faded in the late 1960s in France, but its impact on French pop music and society remains. Yé-yé girls rejected traditional gender roles and inspired many women to embrace a more independent and confident lifestyle. The genre also experienced a resurgence in popularity in the late 1970s.

The Yé-yé movement had a strong cultural impact in Spain, persisting longer than in other countries. Despite the fact that the ideology of Yé-yé music was incompatible with Franco's dictatorship, it was one of the most prominent musical scenes in the country between 1963 and 1968. Much like in France, it also showed changing attitudes towards women, and it also hinted at a shift towards democracy in the following decade.

Pilar García de la Mata y Caballero de Rodas, profesionally known as Mimo, was the first Yé-yé singer in Spain, and is often cited as one of the pioneers of Spanish rock music. In 1965, the Spanish comedy film Historias de la Televisión (Television Stories) was released, featuring the song " Chica Yeyé " performed by Concha Velasco. The song rose to number one on the Spanish music charts in 27 weeks, achieving widespread popularity and becoming one of the most recognizable songs in Spain.

In 1968, Massiel won the Eurovision Song Contest with her song " La, la, la ." This song was originally intended to be performed by Joan Manuel Serrat. However, the original version of the song was disqualified because of its Catalan-language lyrics, and the Francoist regime actively suppressed autochthonous languages from the media. This, again, demonstrates the struggle for freedom of expression in Yé-yé music.

Although Yé-yé is often perceived as a predominantly French and British-driven phenomenon, Spanish Yé-yé also had its own unique flavor, and was heavily influenced by Italian pop music. The annual San Remo Music Festival in Italy served as a major source of musical trends and a model for Spanish festivals like the Festival de la Canción Mediterránea in Barcelona (1959-1967) and the Benidorm International Song Festival.

There was a limited number of Yé-yé (or Ié-ié ) music in the Catalan language. The festivals hosted in regions like Catalonia and Valencia helped foster cultural interchange with other regions along the Mediterranean coast. In 1963, Salomé and Raimon won the fifth edition of the Festival de la Canción Mediterránea with their song "Se'n va anar" , which managed to be broadcasted in the national television. Its success contributed to Nova Cançó , a musical movement that began in Catalonia during the mid-1950s and sought for the normalization of the Catalan language in music. However, Salomé's use of Catalan resulted in her being banned from future performances in the festival in languages other than Castilian Spanish, demonstrating the ongoing tensions between regional identity and the Franco regime's policies of cultural homogenization.

Other notable Yé-yé girls from Spain include Marisol, Rosalía, Lita Torelló, Lorella, Ana Belén, Karina, Gelu and Rocío Dúrcal.​

Portugal's Yé-Yé movement began in 1956 in Coimbra, inspired by the Rock 'n' Roll scene that was entered the country through films and records. The arrival of The Beatles to Portugal in the mid-1960s is one of the primary influences. Early bands like Os Babies, led by José Cid, also drew inspiration from international stars like Chuck Berry, Jerry Lee Lewis, and Elvis Presley. Other groups, such as Os Conchas, Os Ekos, Os Sheiks, Os Celtas, Conjunto Académico João Paulo, and Demónios Negros, contributed to the Portuguese take on rock and Yé-Yé, taking influences from both genres. Daniel Bacelar stands out as an important solo artist in this scene.

Despite the Estado Novo regime's censorship and conservative policies, Yé-yé music found its way onto the radio, nightclubs, and even appeared in films and TV shows. Ironically, the regime itself inadvertently played a role in promoting the movement through initiatives like the " Concurso Yé-Yé " in Lisbon, organized by the Movimento Nacional Feminino (National Feminine Movement). This contest, held in September 1965, saw over 300 bands from Portugal competing.

However, the Portuguese Yé-Yé movement was notably dominated by male artists and bands, unlike other countries where female singers were prominent. This gender disparity may've been affected by the Estado Novo regime, where women's rights were significantly restricted.

Although not as influential as its French or Spanish counterparts, Italy also had its own Yé-yé scene. Artists like Rita Pavone, Rosy, Jenny Luna, Adriano Celentano, and Little Tony rose to fame in the mid 1960s.  Girl groups like Le Amiche, Le Snobs, and Sonia e le Sorelle also contributed to the movement.

Even Mia Martini, before achieving fame under her stage name, began her career as a " ragazza yéyé " (yé-yé girl) known as Mimì Berté. In 1959, Mina also became the first female rock-and-roll singer in the country. One key figure was Catherine Spaak, a Parisian-born singer who achieved considerable success in Italy with a musical style reminiscent of Françoise Hardy. The movement began to fade around 1967, and the next trends were blues rock, pop, and psychedelia.

Although the Yé-yé movement faded in Europe by the 1970s, its influence resurfaced decades later in an unexpected place: Japan. The Shibuya-Kei genre, which originated in Tokyo during the 1990s, drew heavily from yé-yé along with a diverse range of other influences. Shibuya-kei artists, like Pizzicato Five and Cornelius (formerly Flipper's Guitar), combined elements of Yé-Yé with City Pop , Bossa Nova, Disco , and Lounge music.

Even decades after its heyday, many popstars and singers are remembered as cultural icons in their home countries. Their music remains popular, their style continues to inspire, and their cultural impact is still felt today. The passing of various icons of the movement in recent years has caused strong emotional responses both from fans and the media.

" Yé-yé Girls " (also known as Chicas Yeyé in Spanish, Meninas Yé-yé in Portuguese, Ragazze Yé-yé in Italian, or Noies Ié-ié in Catalan) is the term that came to collectively describe the young female singers associated with this movement. They were more than just pop singers; they were fashion icons, cultural trendsetters, and symbols of youthful rebellion and female empowerment during the 1960s.  Their fashion style also contributed to the changing social attitudes of the time, as Western societies became less restrictive of women's fashion.

Miniskirts and tight dresses were classic elements of Yé-yé fashion as they became progressively more socially acceptable, with clear influences from Mod . Hairstyles were equally important, some of the most popular ones being long bangs, straight hair, ponytails, bob cuts, or beehive styles. Even today, the hair bangs remain a recognizable symbol of the decade. Other signature fashion elements include striped shirts, A-line and shift dresses, turtlenecks, knee-high boots, Mary Jane shoes, cat-eye sunglasses, headbands, and bow ties. Makeup was used to a minimal extent, typically only applied to the eyes or the lips.

Although Yé-yé is primarily associated with young women, it was not inherently an all-girl movement either. Male artists also played an important role in shaping the genre. These " Yé-yé Boys " usually took on a romantic and sensitive image. Richard Anthony, for example, achieved widespread fame with his French-language covers of popular American songs, becoming a teen idol in the early 1960s. Serge Gainsbourg not only pushed boundaries with his erotic songs with strong messages such as " Je t'aime moi non plus " with his girlfriend Jane Birkin, but also wrote numerous hits for other Yé-yé singers, including France Gall's iconic " Poupée de cire, poupée de son ." Another notable artist, Raphael, has become one of the most successful Spanish singers worldwide, known for his long on-going career and dramatic style. He represented Spain in the Eurovision Song Contest in 1966 and 1967, respectively with his songs " Yo soy aquél " in Luxembourg and " Hablemos del Amor " in Vienna. In Portugal, the Yé-yé movement was primarily represented by all-male bands, possibly related to women's limited opportunities under the Estado Novo regime.

The Yé-yé movement was a transnational phenomenon, with distinct but interconnected scenes across the Francosphere and Southwest Europe.Zazou was a French youth cultural movement that emerged in the early 1940s, primarily between 1941 and 1944, during the Nazi occupation of France and the rule of the Vichy regime. This group of young people distinguished themselves through their adoption of flamboyant fashion, their deep appreciation for jazz and swing music, and an attitude of indifference or defiance towards the wartime austerity and the conservative, authoritarian governments of the time. The Zazou phenomenon was a form of cultural resistance, a non-violent protest expressed through style, speech, and a conscious rejection of prevailing norms.

The Zazou subculture developed as a direct counterpoint to the official messaging of the Vichy government and Nazi occupiers, which promoted austerity, work ethic, and traditional French values. By embracing leisure, foreign fashion, and "degenerate" American jazz music, the Zazous embodied an understated challenge to authority. Their visible nonconformity and refusal to hide their activities in clandestine settings made them a noticeable and often targeted group by the authorities.

The Zazou movement originated in France in the early 1940s, flourishing during the Nazi occupation (1940-1944) and the concurrent rule of the collaborationist Vichy regime. This period saw the implementation of severe rationing, censorship, and strict moral codes. The term "Zazou" is believed to have derived from the lyrics of the 1930s jazz song " Zaz Zuh Zaz " by American musician Cab Calloway, who also influenced the group's fashion. The French crooner Johnny Hess's 1940 song " Je suis swing " also featured the phrase "zazou, zazou, zazou zazou dé," further popularizing the term.

The Zazous appeared as a spontaneous youth development, a reaction to the oppressive social and political climate. They concentrated primarily in Paris, with distinct groups meeting in different areas. Younger Zazous frequented the Latin Quarter, gathering in cellar clubs like Dupont-Latin and the Capoulade. Older, often more middle-class Zazous preferred the terrace of the Pam Pam cafe on the Champs-Élysées and took afternoon bike rides in the Bois de Boulogne. These public displays of leisure and a flamboyant style were a direct affront to the wartime emphasis on work and national unity.

Jazz music, and particularly American swing, was central to the Zazou identity. This music was officially forbidden by the Nazi authorities, who branded it as "culturally degenerate." Despite this, Zazous actively listened to artists like Cab Calloway, Benny Goodman, Glenn Miller, and the Manouche Gypsy musician Django Reinhardt. Their argot, or slang, often incorporated English words and phrases, with "swing" becoming a versatile term.

The Zazous' nonconformity attracted hostility from both the Vichy regime and the Nazi occupiers. The French press, controlled by Vichy, published numerous anti-Zazou articles, portraying them as lazy, selfish, and morally corrupt. Fascist youth organizations, notably the Jeunesses Populaires Françaises (JPF), adopted the slogan "Scalp the Zazous!" and launched physical attacks, often involving shaving their heads. Zazous were subjected to round-ups, beatings, and arrests, with some being sent to "work sites" for re-education or even deported to German concentration camps, accused of sedition and homosexuality, particularly after forced labor was imposed in 1942.

While never a formally organized political group, the Zazous' cultural resistance was a constant irritant to the authorities. After the Liberation of Paris in 1944, some Zazous participated in armed combat against the Nazis. However, mainstream political movements often dismissed their contribution, viewing them as disengaged until the war's conclusion. Despite their relatively small numbers, typically in the hundreds, the Zazous left a significant mark as a pioneering youth movement challenging authoritarian rule through non-violent means.

Zazou fashion was a deliberate visual statement, directly contrasting the austerity and conservative dress codes prevalent in wartime France. This style featured an exaggerated use of fabric and drew inspiration from British dandyism and American jazz culture, notably the zoot suit.

Male Zazou attire included extra-large jackets, often extending to the knees and frequently adorned with stripes or checks. These jackets featured multiple pockets and sometimes several half-belts, openly defying wartime fabric rationing. Trousers were fitted, gathered at the waist, and cut short, revealing socks. High-collared shirts, occasionally held in place by a horizontal pin, were paired with narrow ties made of cotton or heavy wool. Footwear consisted of thick-soled suede shoes, typically worn with white or brightly colored socks. Hair was styled long and greased, often teased into an untidy quiff. A common accessory was the neatly furled "Chamberlain" umbrella, which was never opened, symbolizing an embrace of British style. Small Clark Gable-style moustaches were also observed.

Female Zazou fashion featured jackets with extremely wide, padded shoulders. Skirts were short and pleated, again in defiance of rationing; tartan patterns were also common. Striped or net stockings were frequently worn. Shoes often had thick wooden soles, resembling early platform shoes. Hair was typically worn in curls falling to the shoulders or in braids, with blonde being a favored color, sometimes deliberately showing dark roots. Heavy makeup, including bright red lipstick and darkened eyes, was characteristic, inspired by 1930s Hollywood stars. Oversized sunglasses completed the look. This fashion, with its deliberate extravagance during a period of scarcity, was noted for its departure from official norms. Working-class Zazous sometimes obtained their desired outfits through black market activities or homemade tailoring.

Zazous focused on cultural resistance and individualistic defiance, distinct from organized political activism. During a period of stringent government control and national mobilization for war, the Zazous embodied a conscious rejection of prevailing societal expectations.

A central tenet of their worldview was nonconformity and individualism. Zazous prioritized personal style and expression over collective identity and patriotic adherence. Their flamboyant fashion and distinctive behavior directly opposed the uniform, somber aesthetics promoted by the Vichy regime and Nazi occupiers. Hedonism and leisure were also key aspects. In a time of severe austerity and emphasis on wartime work, Zazous openly pursued pleasure and leisure. Their public displays of having financial means and time for cafes, dancing, and elaborate outfits were a provocative stance against demands for sacrifice.

Their actions constituted defiance and passive contempt. While not engaging in armed struggle, the Zazous' public presence was a form of protest. They maintained an indifferent attitude toward wartime events and openly mocked contemporary politics. This passive contempt for the establishment was a central component of their identity. Anti-authoritarianism was evident in their rejection of the conservative morality and control exercised by both the Vichy government and the Nazi occupation. Their embrace of American jazz, deemed "un-French" and "degenerate," and British fashion was a symbolic challenge to the imposed order. The Zazous cultivated an outsider status, forming a distinct group of young people who sought to differentiate themselves from mainstream society. This shared identity offered a sense of belonging for those alienated by the official narrative. Their philosophy often incorporated dark humor and sarcasm, seen in actions such as wearing yellow stars marked "Zazou" or "Goy" in defiance of the compulsory Jewish star. This overall philosophy of prioritizing aesthetic and cultural freedom, even under duress, led the Vichy regime to view them as a dangerous influence on youth.

The musical foundation of the Zazou subculture was swing jazz , predominantly American in origin. This musical choice was highly significant because jazz was officially condemned and forbidden by Nazi authorities and the Vichy regime, who classified it as "degenerate" and culturally impure. The Zazous' embrace of jazz thus constituted an act of explicit cultural defiance.

The characteristics of the music associated with the Zazou subculture included its swing rhythm. The syncopated, driving rhythm of swing jazz encouraged energetic dancing, which was practiced in Parisian cellar clubs. The preference for American jazz musicians signaled an affinity for a culture directly opposed to the occupying forces. The outlawed status of jazz made listening to it a rebellious act, contributing to its confrontational stance against authority.

While the Zazous themselves were not primarily musicians, their identity was intrinsically linked to the music they consumed and promoted. They fostered a "swing youth" culture that paralleled similar underground movements, such as the Swingjugend (Swing Kids) in Nazi Germany. The music provided the backdrop for their social gatherings, dances, and overall carefree attitude, serving as a direct counter-narrative to the seriousness and austerity of the war.Zef is a South African counterculture movement and aesthetic that emerged from the white, working-class suburbs of Cape Town in the 2000s. The term is Afrikaans slang, historically used as a derogatory term similar to "common" or "white trash." The subculture reclaims this slur, transforming it into a proud identity defined by an ironic and exaggerated embrace of aesthetics considered lowbrow, tacky, or outdated.

The Zef aesthetic was brought to international prominence in the early 2010s by the rap-rave group Die Antwoord. Member Yolandi Visser famously defined the style by stating, "It's about people who soup their cars up and rock gold and shit. Zef is, you're poor but you're fancy. You're poor but you're sexy, you've got style." The subculture is characterized by a DIY ethos , a confrontational sense of humor, and a visual style that is intentionally garish and provocative.

The term "zef" originated in the 1960s and '70s and was associated with the Ford Zephyr, a car popular among working-class white South Africans. It was used by upper classes to mock those they saw as unsophisticated. In the post-apartheid era of the 2000s, the term was reappropriated by a new generation of young Afrikaners in the suburbs of Cape Town, particularly in the Bellville area. Artists like Jack Parow and, most famously, Die Antwoord began to build an identity around the concept.

Die Antwoord, formed in 2008 by Ninja and Yolandi Visser, became the global icons of the Zef subculture. Their music videos, particularly the viral hit " Enter The Ninja " (2010), introduced the world to their unique blend of rap-rave music and a startlingly original visual aesthetic. Their success brought the term "Zef" to an international audience, sparking both fascination and debate about the authenticity and meaning of the subculture.

Zef's visual style is characterized by its embrace of the "trashy." This includes elements like unconventional hairstyles, such as Yolandi's distinctive variations on the mullet. Bold graphics and logos on clothing are common, along with unusual accessories like eerie contact lenses and even rats. Face art is another prominent aspect, with styles ranging from completely white faces to self-applied animal features. The artwork associated with Zef often features black and white line drawings with simple figures, dollar signs, and unusual sayings. Die Antwoord's visual style draws inspiration from a variety of sources, including the "trashy" aesthetic of post-apartheid working-class Afrikaners, American "rednecks" and "white trash," and the art of children and the criminally insane. Ninja has described their artistic style as inspired by a lack of a "hard barrier between conscious and subconscious minds."

The photographer Roger Ballen is a frequent collaborator and major influence on Die Antwoord's visual aesthetic. Ballen co-directed their " I Fink You Freeky " music video, and the Erdmann Contemporary Photographers Gallery in Cape Town featured some of his works from the video. The creator of Bitter Comix, Anton Kannemeyer, has also released work featuring Die Antwoord.

Die Antwoord's music videos are known for being absurdist, disturbing, violent, and intentionally shocking . They have also faced controversy for the use of blackface in some of their videos.

The Zef aesthetic is a deliberately eclectic and often jarring mix of "trashy," outdated, and high-fashion elements. It is a performance of an identity that is both impoverished and glamorous. A key visual characteristic is the unconventional hairstyle, most famously Yolandi Visser's distinctive mullet, which combines a severe, buzzed fringe with long, bleached-blonde hair in the back.

Fashion is a DIY collage of disparate styles. It often incorporates kitsch elements, such as clothing with cartoon characters or garish prints, alongside gold jewelry, tracksuits, and customized, logo-heavy apparel. The visual art associated with the movement, heavily influenced by the work of South African photographer Roger Ballen, is often unsettling and surreal, featuring stark, black-and-white imagery, strange drawings, and a focus on marginalized subjects. This creates a look that is simultaneously playful and disturbing.

The term "Zef" can have multiple meanings and interpretations. It originated in South Africa as a derogatory term for lower-middle-class white people, particularly those of Afrikaans descent. The word is derived from "Ford Zephyr," a popular car model among this demographic. The rap-rave group Die Antwoord popularized the term "Zef" and associated it with their own unique style of music and fashion. They adopted the word as a badge of honor, rejecting mainstream norms and paying homage to Afrikaner working-class culture.

However, there is also a more philosophical and abstract definition of Zef. It is described as a "state of mind" where one does not care about who others have to say, manifested as authenticity, self-expression, and a disregard for societal expectations. Some even associate it with psychedelic experiences and spiritual enlightenment. Die Antwoord has become a controversial figure in South Africa, with some criticizing them for cultural appropriation and others praising them for their innovative and provocative art.

Zef has its own unique slang derived from the Afrikaans language. Much of it is unapologetically vulgar and uses elements of shock humor. Some terms may be considered offensive.

These are broken down on various exhaustive lists on the Zef website watkykjy.co.za:

The sound of Zef is most famously defined by Die Antwoord's self-described "rap-rave" style. Their music is a high-energy fusion of hip-hop, rave, and electronic influences, with lyrics performed in a mix of Afrikaans and English. The lyrical content is often explicit, humorous, and confrontational, reflecting the subculture's provocative ethos. Another key artist in the scene is Jack Parow, a rapper known for his energetic, party-centric style and humorous lyrics performed in Afrikaans.

The Zef subculture, particularly as represented by Die Antwoord, has been subject to major controversy. The group has faced persistent accusations of cultural appropriation, with critics arguing that they, as white artists from middle-class backgrounds, have commodified and misrepresented the aesthetics of marginalized Coloured communities in the Cape Flats region.

Furthermore, the members of Die Antwoord, Ninja and Yolandi Visser, have faced numerous and serious allegations of physical and sexual abuse from their adopted son, as well as accusations of sexual assault from other artists. A video also surfaced in 2019 showing the duo in a confrontation that was widely condemned as a homophobic hate crime, which led to them being dropped from several music festivals. These controversies have cast a significant shadow over the subculture, leading to debates about whether the Zef identity can be separated from the harmful actions of its most famous proponents.